Can Keeping Troubled Youth In Class Make A Difference? Essay Sample For College

Introduction

The future of any given nation is always dependent on the discipline and level of achievement of its young people. This is why there is always a concerted effort in ensuring that most if not all young people are given a good shot at life. Troubled young people are part and parcel of the larger youth pool and society must handle them wisely to make them succeed in life. So many methods are employed in trying to correct the unacceptable behavior but only a few of them work. In this paper, an analysis of three articles will support the thesis that methods that are geared towards keeping young people in school work best compared to suspension and expulsion.

Main body

In the first article, the problem statement is: Determining the effectiveness of alternative ways of handling students with violent behavior. The method under scrutiny is the conflict resolution skills training program which entails the exposure of the affected students to peaceful or non-violent means of dealing with issues (Breunlin, Cimmarusti, Bryant-Edwards & Hetherington 2002, p.359).

The research questions that are being dealt with by the authors of the article are: Is suspension effective as a means of dealing with students with violent tendencies? Are there other alternatives that can be applied? Is a conflict resolution training skills program one of the alternatives? How does the program of conflict resolution skills training perform as a possible replacement of the traditional suspensions and expulsions given to students with violent behavior?

The literature review for the article is comprehensive. For example, the work of Dupper and Bosch provides the basis for the opinion that out-of-school suspensions are not effective in dealing with students with violent behavior. Black and Townsend are quoted as the voices against expulsion. They doubt whether it can help the expelled students. Citing Tolan and Guerra, the authors back up their idea that more than half of the violence that is witnessed in most schools is relationship violence or situational violence (Breunlin et al., 2002, p.360). This is the tone that the entire article follows. Each main idea is backed up by a scholarly source thus making the literature review quite comprehensive.

The design of the study is that of repeated treatment of repetitive measures. The total number of participants is 165. Their characteristics include the fact that they have a history of violence in the school whereby they have either fought with another student or possibly a member of staff, they have shown the intent to engage in a violent act, or have been assessed and considered possible candidates for the program through careful analysis by the school authorities. The target population is the student body and the specific elements are the ones involved in violence-related actions.

The experiment treatment that was carried out in this study involved the selection of students and dividing them into groups. Some were given the training for dealing with conflicts without violence while others were not. The divisions had students who had engaged in various levels of unacceptable behavior ranging from fighting to other forms of violent and non-violent behavior. The consequent actions by the school authorities were taken into consideration too whereby suspension or absence of suspension for the concerned students was catered for in the groupings. This study was conducted in a timeline of three years. This is a satisfactorily sufficient time for such a detailed study.

Results from the study were reported in tabular as well as other forms with percentages calculated to indicate a change in behavior after undertaking the program for those who took it and lack of behavior change for those who were left out of the program. This study had its limitations that affected the outcome. For example, there are problems with the sample size. A sample size (N) of 165 students is not sufficient to prove that the alternative program of conflict resolution skills training works. Larger sample size would have given better results. Would it be because of funding? It is hard to tell. But the assumption is that like in any other study, resources are always a problem.

The second article takes a different tone from article one. It just presents ideas on how troubled kids can be assisted to make the best out of their lives. An example is given of a school in Texas where troubled students are taken care of in a well-structured program that emphasizes good behavior (Harrington-Lueker, 1995.p.18). The possible problem statement that can arise from the article is that troubled students are increasingly being left out of the school system due to the inability of most school authorities to deal with them in a way that can make them succeed. Is there an alternative that can be used to help them make the best out of their lives?

The design of the presentation of ideas in this article is in the form of observations of what is going on in most schools in the nation and a clear focus on areas where students with behavior problems are being handled. The participants in the presentation are the students who have behavior problems. There is no fixed number in this article since it does not take the experiment format. The characteristics of the participants are that they have behavior issues such as violence and the inability to socially cope with their peers in normal school settings. It is not surprising that this presentation of ideas is not restricted to a specific timeline.

The analysis methods employed include the description of how chosen schools deal with the concerned students. For example, the students are said to be undergoing thorough instruction on how to behave well with strict rules on how to carry out their activities. There is a program of rewards and punishments where those who show improvements in behavior are given points and eventually allowed to join normal schools. Those who continue to exhibit violent behavior are given punitive chores such as tending the sports fields or washing the school vehicles. This is all geared towards making them know that bad behavior has consequences.

The propositions made in this article are based on the findings of other researchers. The authors tell us that methods such as expulsion or suspension do not help troubled young people. These methods make the affected students lose on many fronts ranging from academic marginalization to the denial of the chance to learn how to behave in a group setting. The latest idea, in this case, is that these students progress to non-profitable members of society.

This presentation of ideas has several limitations. Since it is not a study, there is no evidence that what is said in this article can work. It is common to treat non-experimental presentations as hearsay or mere speculation and therefore unworthy of implementation. The ideas are also not supported by substantial figures of positive outcomes and therefore not convincing enough for implementation. It is possible to easily challenge the ideas.

For future research in this area, the focus should be on a more reliable format such as an experiment with substantial numbers of students taken to such schools and their behavior change well monitored and documented. There should also be a proper control set whereby troubled students who are not taken to such schools are monitored and their behavior change recorded too. This can then form a strong base for the implementation of the program of special schools if it works.

Article three’s problem statement is whether the juvenile structured day programs for suspended and expelled youth have any meaningful impact on the lives of these young people. The whole process that takes place in the programs is also under scrutiny in this study (Yearwood & Abdum-Muhaymin 2007, p.47).

The questions that are evident in this study are: Does the North Carolina juvenile structured day program for suspended and expelled youth work? What is the nature of the process of getting these young people into this program? What is the percentage of the young people who turn out right after going through this program? What is the level of government support for this program? What is the structured program for these troubled youth that is under consideration? What are the markers of improved behavior that formed the basis of the claim that these programs improved youth behavior? The literature review is robust. For example in their expression of the notion that out of school measures are not the best in dealing with troubled youth, the authors cite the literature of Nichols and Steffy who are of the idea that suspending or expelling students is not the best way to deal with students who have behavior problems.

The study takes the design of data collection and analysis. This is done through the sending out of questionnaires that were answered and returned. The questionnaires had thirty-six items in them and they were forty-one in number.

The analysis methods employed included the careful examination of the data from the filled and returned questionnaires. This data was then analyzed and various percentages were reported such as the number of students who showed improvement in various ways after undertaking the program. The findings are that the programs that are meant to correct the youth while keeping them in school are more helpful. The idea that taking measures that keep troubled youth out of school is not the best is indicated in this study. Were there any limitations in this study?

This study had its limitations. The number of a questionnaire sent out was very small. The fact that only twenty-one out of the forty-one questionnaires were filled and returned makes it even more troubling. This makes it hard to convince someone that the findings of the study are credible enough since the sample size as seen from the respondents is minute or small. The study also fails to strongly make the case for the expensive nature of such alternative programs for these young people although the spending may be worth the cause. Another limitation of the study is the absence of the best way to handle the students who fail to show behavior improvement even after undergoing the program.

Future research in this area should be focused on increasing the number of respondents. This can be done by sending out more questionnaires or visiting the concerned respondents and asking the questions. This is because some respondents may not be willing to take the trouble of filling and returning the questionnaires but can easily answer questions. There should also be further research on the comprehensive financial implications of these juvenile structured day programs such as the one for North Carolina.

Conclusion

In conclusion, it is evident from these three studies that only when young people are kept in class can behavior change be witnessed. It is therefore the only way to enable these troubled young people to make the best out of their lives.

References

  1. Breunlin, D., Cimmarusti, R., Bryant-Edwards, T., & Hetherington, J. (2002). Conflict Resolution Training as an Alternative to Suspension for Violent Behavior. Journal of Educational Research, 95(6), 349.
  2. Harrington-Lueker, D. (1995). Ideas for alternative schools for troubled kids. Education Digest, 60(8), 18.
  3. Yearwood, D., & Abdum-Muhaymin, J. (2007). Juvenile Structured Day Programs for Suspended and Expelled Youth: An Evaluation of Process and Impact. Preventing School Failure, 51(4), 47.

Revolutionary America: People Who Did It

Introduction

This paper is about revolutionary America and it will mainly talk about two most inspirational people that America has ever had namely Thomas Paine and James Madison. The work of both these people will be brought to light in this paper. Thomas Paine according was one of the most inspiring leader that the US have ever had, this paper will throw light on the contribution of Thomas Paine and how he inspired the Americans to get their independence from the British. His work Common Sense will be analyzed in this paper to explain how exactly he motivated the people to fight for their Independence. The later part of the paper will throw light upon the work of James Madison.

Common sense by Thomas Paine is a true masterpiece in every sense. Thomas Paine was a prolific writer, his work is still regarded as one of the best and he is still looked up by many a people. This goes to show his legacy which he established over the period of time. Works like Common sense, The American Crisis etc inspired the people who were ready to fight for their freedom. Thomas Paine was a multi talented person, he had many skills in him like he was an intellectual person and at the same time he played a pivotal role in motivating the people to get the freedom from the British which they deserved. This paper will throw light upon the benefits of freedom from the British and the thoughts of Thomas Paine on the independence of US from the British rule.

Common Sense provides a comprehensive understanding of why Paine wanted the Americans to fight for their freedom. This masterpiece was published in the year 1776. This was published anonymously by Paine; this was done so because in those days the people did not have the rights to express themselves. Thomas Paine was instrumental in motivating people. He was often taken to the soldiers who were going to participate in war and he used to give them speeches to motivate them and the soldiers enjoyed and relished his speeches and got motivated to a great extent. This goes to show how instrumental Paine was in motivating people.

Argument of Paine for declaring Independence from Great Britain

The domination of Americans by the Great Britain was a period when the American growth was hampered. The British rulers levied heavy taxes on the Americans who were forced to pay the heavy taxes, in addition to this there was corruption in the Church and not only in the Church, corruption was very common in almost all the areas at that time. This also led to the puritan movement which saw puritans move to another place to live in peace and harmony. This is also called the Mayflower Compact; the Mayflower Compact was a ship which transported American Puritans to another place.

Paine was simply ridiculed by the fact that an island was ruling a continent, in addition to this Paine believed that America was not a nation of the British, it had people from all over Europe settled in the country. Paine believed that there can be no growth possible if the British continue to rule the Americans, this was very true and made a lot of sense. People suffered from various diseases and had no food to eat; diseases like Scurvy affected countless people and took away many a life. The most important point of Paine was that the British rule had no compassion for the Americans whatsoever, they wanted to prosper at the cost of the Americans and this was unacceptable and this was exactly why Paine wanted the Americans to take an immediate action to free themselves from the shackles of slavery.

James Madison

Alexander Hamilton, John Jay and lastly James Madison were the three responsible people in the 18th century who took up the initiative to publish the Federalist papers and these papers were first published in New York in the year 1787 and 1788. The main aim of these papers was to ratify the new American constitution. It is believed that one of the most influential papers was written by James Madison and it is called the No 10 paper. The paper mainly focuses on main aspects like the role of Faction, how the Government controls excess of Faction etc. James Madison wrote as many as twenty one such papers which were instrumental in shaping up the US constitution. James Madison is believed to be one of the most influential people that the US has ever had, his Father was a plantation owner and he studied in the state of Virginia in the US. James Madison holds a very big role in drafting the constitution of the US and he was able to do so because he was a highly influential figure in the US.

James Madison followed his principles come what may, he firmly believed in two uncompromising things and they were republic and liberty. Even when a bloody war broke out, he still stuck to his principles and handled the situation extremely well. He was unlike the other Presidents like Abraham Lincoln and George W Bush who took an extreme step by suspending habeous Corpus when they were under pressure. Madison believed that these principles gave them an edge over Britain and compromising on the principles would bring the US on par with Britain.

The series of publishing papers is called Faction and the tenth paper is believed to be one of the most instrumental in this Faction. Madison presents his argument that Faction and Liberty go hand in hand and no one can separate the two. Madison wanted the US government to control the effects of faction instead of focusing all their energy on the causes of Faction. He quoted

“As long as the reason of man continues to be fallible, and he is at liberty to exercise it, different opinions will be formed.” (Faction, 2009). Faction was an indigenous part of liberty and Madison followed it extensively, he never compromised on his principles.

Abraham Lincoln

Abraham Lincoln was among the most influential leaders that the world has ever seen. He was the sixteenth president of the USA. He was instrumental in dealing with the civil war. He showed America a new road during the Civil War which is also considered by many as the toughest period America ever faced. This paper will throw light upon the contribution of Abraham Lincoln. The paper will also present a comprehensive analysis of why he became such an influential leader in America.

“Lincoln warned the South in his Inaugural Address: “In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you…. You have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to preserve, protect and defend it.” (Abraham Lincoln, 2009). The most significant contribution of his was to abolish slavery in America. This was really a very commendable job which was very difficult to complete, many criticized him for being too slow in abolishing slavery but he finally managed to do it. The people who criticized him were very demanding; it is very obvious that a social evil takes a lot of time to get rid off and hats off to Lincoln for doing exactly the same.

Benjamin Rush

Benjamin Rush is one of the most prominent figures in the US history, he was a multitalented person who was very good at writing, physics etc but above all this, and he was a humanitarian who cared for the people. He worked his heart out for the poor and the needy; the poor people admired him and respected him because he did a lot for them. He was massively involved in the declaration of independence along with the other frontiers. He was a true revolutionist who fought for his country. In the year 1771 he published an essay on slavery, this was very much appreciated by all. He was a very popular and instrumental figure in the US history.

Samuel Adams

He was an American statesman, an inspiring writing who was an integral part in the American Revolution along with the other members. He was believed to be one of the founding fathers of the US. He provided guidelines that shaped up the American political culture and an Independent America. He was instrumental in opposing the Stamp act and the events in the Boston Tea Party. Is role in the continental congress was a very pivotal one and the same made his one of the most instrumental in shaping up the history of the US. He is remembered for his contribution in the Boston Tea Party act and how he opposed the same. Overall he was a revolutionist and a very important part of the American Revolution.

References

Abraham Lincoln. In The White House. Web.

Faction. In Short Essays on Federalist Paper NO 10. Web.

Minority Government Canada Pros And Cons

Introduction

Canadian political system is unique as it runs under a parliamentary democracy, but its system of democracy operates also through checks and balances between federal and provincial authorities. The provinces own most of the natural resources, control education, provide services to the population, and collect an equal or larger share of taxes than does the federal government. Not all provincial prerogatives are strictly defined; federal-provincial conflicts arise frequently. These can be resolved only through negotiations or in the courts. Although Canada’s political system was modeled on the British pattern of parliamentary democracy, it resembles. This paper will identify the main features of the complex and tangled system of the Federal Republic. It will demonstrate the ways in which they combine to form a system of dispersed leadership.

Minority Government

Advantages

The main advantage of minority government is that it stipulates equal participation of all ethnic groups and social classes in political ruling. These reforms and fixed dates create a unique system of voting in Canada. Still, many critics admit that the current system of elect6ion leads to democracy deficit and low voting rates. This conventional power of the federal Parliament-which has nothing to do with the law as embodied in the Act of Confederation is not restricted by any provision of law or any convention requiring the consent of all or of a number of the provinces. In strict constitutional terms, therefore, the governments or the legislatures of the provinces have no role in the process of constitutional amendment to-day. Interpretation cannot alter the law; and a deficient constitutional position can hardly, by argument, become adequate and proper. The whole point is only to determine the true constitutional position according to law and to constitutional conventions in force. In this respect, provincial “sovereignty” alone, as flowing from the terms of the Confederation Act and from court decisions, has not been made to carry the implication that the powers of the provincial legislatures cannot be altered without the latter’s consent. It was pointed out that the Parliament of the United Kingdom is now precluded by a definite constitutional convention to interfere with the affairs of the Canadian “community.” Then, it was asked, in view of the representative government institutions existing in Canada, how that Parliament interferes with the powers, rights, or privileges of the “supreme” legislatures of the provinces without interfering with the “communities” living under them.

Canada is a pluralistic country composed of people of many different racial and cultural backgrounds. In addition to the Indians and Eskimos and the English and French founding races, there are such ethnic groups as Ukrainians, Poles, Germans, Italians and many others, who collectively make up about 25 % of the population. In the United States such groups have been closely woven into the American society. In Canada ethnic groups have been more inclined to remain in geographic and cultural isolation, retaining to a far greater extent the ways of their homelands. Some spokesmen for ethnic groups argue that individual civil rights do not provide sufficient safeguards to maintain the group culture. At the present time, nominations of candidates are usually presented formally in petitions signed by twenty-five citizens in the constituency. The person nominated must deposit two hundred dollars as a proof of his serious intention to run for Parliament.

Today, in national elections every ethnic group has the franchise, or the right to vote, if he is eighteen or over, is a Canadian citizen subject who was qualified to vote in the 1968 election and has resided in Canada for twelve months before the election. Since 1970 British people must become Canadian citizens before they can vote. Such widespread suffrage is known as universal suffrage. Members of the armed forces may vote regardless of age, on the principle that a man old enough to fight for his country is old enough to vote. Disqualified are judges, those civil servants who supervise the elections, criminals, lunatics and people found guilty of dishonest practices in previous elections. The same qualifications and restrictions generally exist in the provinces, though there are minor variations in the franchise regulations. In Saskatchewan, Ontario, New Brunswick, Quebec, Manitoba and Prince Edward Island eighteen-year-olds are allowed to vote in municipal and provincial elections. In Alberta, British Columbia, Nova Scotia and Newfoundland nineteen-year-olds have the same right.

In these ways, it is apparent that along with the ambitions and styles of political leaders the needs of the society had an impact on the decision-making process. The democratic process cannot be divorced from the historical and social context in which it takes place. Again, though, the six country studies also indicated that the way in which the needs of the society affected the leadership process was often partly determined by the other aspect of the leadership environment, namely, institutional structures. They resulted in institutional opportunities, or constraints, which political leaders could mobilize, or which they had to overcome. Similarly, the partisan affiliation of the electorate was important not just in itself, but also by virtue of the way in which it was mediated through the system of election to the national legislature. As a result, it may be concluded that, as one aspect of the leadership environment, the needs of the society did have an impact upon the nature of the leadership process. However, it may also be concluded that the key aspect of the leadership environment was to be found under the heading of institutional structures.

Disadvantages

The main disadvantage of minority rule is political diversity and great differences in opinions and social needs of people. Minority rule in Canada leads to deficit of democracy and is explained by complicated decision-making process and low governmental accountability. From historical perspective, decision-making process was often remarked that the Constitution of Canada resembled much more closely that of the United States than that of the United Kingdom. The truth is that the document of 1867 largely reflects the American federal system so far as its express terms are concerned; but it also establishes or rather maintains simply by way of reference, the main political institutions of Britain, namely those contained in the conventions of the constitution. Nevertheless, we are not concerned here with the place very important, indeed! — of conventions in the whole body of Canadian constitutional law. Our concern is restricted to their part in the process of moulding the written fundamental law to changing needs. It is an unquestioned rule of law that usage, however well established, can never supersede the provisions of an act of Parliament. Law and practice, Constitution and government, are quite different matters. What is prohibited in law and cannot be recognized by the courts may well become an established practice which will never be or is not even susceptible of being submitted to the courts. This situation may happen in the internal working of government or in the relations of government with government whenever private rights are not directly involved. A situation then arises where a political stand according to the law but in violation of such practice would be faced by disapproval at the general elections, or by universal disobedience, or even by revolution. The force of things prevails over the force of law. Up to now, no amendment has been made or sought in respect to minority rights.

It cannot be doubted that both these instances of amendment weigh heavily against the necessity of federal consultations with the provincial governments before any change in the constitutional provisions relating to parliamentary representation. On the other hand, they can hardly serve as precedents to refuse any constitutional competence to the provinces to express their opinions or even to oppose a proposed amendment, since the provincial governments may be said to have then acquiesced in the amendments. Moreover, these amendments did not alter, in absolute terms, the representation of the original provinces, but simply added to it in order to give representation on more or less the same basis to the new provinces and territories.

The departures from certain provisions of the Confederation Act are points of substance which raise the issue of the assumed exclusive competence of the federal power. The departure respecting provincial jurisdiction over education in Newfoundland did not affect any of the powers, rights, or privileges of the other provincial communities of Canada either as self-governing political entities or as distinct geographical and social units within the federal State. Such a departure from the terms of the Confederation Act would not have afforded any ground to support a provincial claim for consultation before action by the federal Houses of Parliament. The situation as it stands to-day with respect to constitutional provisions relative to parliamentary representation, minority rights, and other rights or privileges of provincial communities as distinct geographical and social units may now be summarized in a few lines. The federal exclusive power to request amendments from Westminster a power resulting entirely from convention, and in no way from law proper is not restricted either in law or by a positive constitutional convention. Moreover, a practice of action by the federal Houses without the active co-operation of the provincial governments, and even in disregard of any opposition from that source, has been built up upon a fair variety of cases within the subject matter of representation.

Government accountability should not be regarded as lessening the need for the establishment of a definite practice of legislative action — either by an act or by a resolution. Under responsible government, the powers of a “supreme” legislature and, more generally, the fundamental law of a province, are not matters to be altered without the consent of such legislature or of the people, should there be any machinery for a direct reference to it. The power of constitutional amendment is not administrative in character and is not properly to be exercised by an executive unless expressly delegated to it. There was no middle course. No rule had ever been laid down requiring the consent of only a certain number of the provinces. This dilemma explains why many students of the Constitution who found the requirement of unanimous provincial concurrence an exceedingly difficult obstacle to constitutional changes have so tenaciously supported a theory under which the requirement of provincial consultation and consent is purely a matter of political expediency for the federal Government and Parliament to decide in each case.

The democratic process was also affected by the distribution of constitutional and procedural powers within the executive. All the same, British and German heads of government were faced with countervailing pressures from both collective and departmental interests. Moreover, the lack of collegiality within the US executive meant that Cabinet members had little incentive to be loyal to the President’s program. Finally, the dualism of the French executive meant that there was both a certain tension within the system and the potential for presidential government to be replaced by prime ministerial government. Consequently, although certain leaders enjoyed not inconsiderable powers, in no country did the principal political leader enjoy an absolute set of powers with which to exercise leadership over the executive. Finally, the international position of the country was shown to affect the leadership process. In this respect, it was significant whether or not the country in question possessed nuclear weapons. This situation increased the leader’s authority within the executive and encouraged.

Government accountability within decision-making processes affects the direction of the pressure that political actors can apply, because they help to shape political behavior. As noted above, institutions are collections of rules, procedures and standard operating practices. As such, they produce certain duties and obligations by which office-holders have to abide. This means that leaders cannot simply assume office and behave in any way they may wish. Instead, they have to play out certain roles which the institution creates for them. Leaders are obliged to behave in ways which are appropriate to these institutional roles Institutionalism helps to explain the nature of the leadership process. Political leadership consists of a process of interaction between leaders and the leadership environment in which they operate. At the same time, this interaction process takes place within the context of institutional structures, which help to determine where power lies and what roles political leaders have to play.

Conclusion

Deficit of democracy is Canada is explained by ineffective and complicated election procedures and poor government accountability. By stressing the individuality of institutions and sets of institutional structures, the institutional approach sometimes encourages too great a degree of specificity when comparing countries. It produces a misleading tendency in which each country is considered to be exceptional. This tendency results from the observations that institutions and sets of institutions do not operate in exactly the same way in any two countries. Rather, each country’s institutions are different. Each country’s leadership process is unique. However, this is a misleading tendency, because, in its most extreme form, it means that comparisons between countries become futile. If each country is different, then comparisons are trivial. In this way, the study of minority governance in Canada indicates that it is possible to make comparisons across countries. More fundamentally again, though, the study of political leadership also indicates the various respects in which the institutions and institutional structures of countries are similar. Although equivalent institutions are not exactly the same in any two countries, there are sufficient similarities in certain cases for comparisons to be made. Furthermore, although the arrangement of institutions is not precisely the same in any two countries, once again, there are sufficient similarities in certain cases for comparisons to be made.

References

Cross, W. Political Parties, Representation, and Electoral Democracy in Canada. Oxford University Press, USA; 1st Paper edition, 2001.

Dobbin, M. The Myth of the Good Corporate Citizen: Canada and Democracy in the Age of Globalization. Lorimer; 2 edition, 2003.

Higgins, D. J. Local and urban politics in Canada. Gage Educational Pub. Co, 2003.

Nocil, E., Whalley, P. Canadian Politics Unplugged. Dundurn Press, 2003.

Olsen, G. The Politics of the Welfare State: Canada, Sweden, and the United States. Oxford University Press, 2002.

Young John and Boris DeWiel. Faith in Democracy? Religion and Politics in Canada. Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2009.

Young Lisa and Keith Archer. Regionalism and Party Politics in Canada. Oxford University Press, USA, 2001.