Greatest Songs Of All Time Essay Example

Introduction

Contemporary society is characterized by advancements in technology that have led to increased access to a variety of resources and products that were difficult to access in the traditional context. Notably, the increased streaming of music has constituted access to music both from the past and the present. Digital social networks such as YouTube, My Space, Deezer, and Spotify continue to provide various music both from the present and the past. It’s important to highlight the fact that with the increased access to music streaming sites, it has been easier to analyze the quality of music and, as a factor, highlight what constitutes a great song. According to Hiller and Walter (2015), the music industry has undergone structural and technical changes in music that have affected their distribution and delivery, thus leading to quality. In this context, it can be highlighted that several elements constitute a good song or, in essence, what makes a song classified in the category of “Greatest of All Time.” While several elements constitute good music, it’s important to highlight the fact that there are specific key elements of good music. In this context, it’s important to highlight the three key elements that make up good music, and they include melody, harmony, and lyrics.

Thesis statement: Melody, rhythm, and harmony constitute what makes good music and, in essence, characterizes the greatest songs of all time.

According to Hook and Saburnan (2020), the melody makes up the soul of particular music. Melody, therefore, is the most integral part of key songwriting. According to Brown et al. (2015), melody generation enables the music to present an interactive composition. The melody thus provides an easier way through which the audience can interact with and enjoy the music. Melody also creates the artistic flow of the song, where the owner finds it easy pouring emotion and soul into that particular music. A characteristic element of the greatest songs of all time, the melody is often designed to be simple, brief, and flexible. (Brown et al., 2015).

The harmony’s also a critical element of good music and, when properly integrated, provides some of the greatest music of all time. Harmony is the absolute expression of the song, giving a recognizable and consistent pattern, one that relates one note to the other. (Hook and Saburnan, 2020). Harmony thus provides remarkable conjunction of various notes. According to Mihelac and Povh (2019), harmonic progressions can either be regular or irregular and, in essence, can characterize the complexity of the song. Some of the grates songs of all time are quite simple in their presentation and, as a result, are consistent with the regular harmonic progressions. The chords and riffs of harmonic progression characterize the song and, in essence, guide the audience in intertwining their emotions to the song. As a characteristic element of some of the greatest songs of all time, harmony creates understanding enables the audience to decipher how the song resonates with them.

The lyrical component of a song is also a key element in its composition. While there are great songs with bad lyrics based on the integration of harmony and melody in the perfect context, the lyrical component is crucial in enveloping the song to the audience. The lyrical component characterizes lyric-focused songs as the greatest of all time. According to Gonzalez (2021), lyrics are often a reflection of the social beliefs and the culture or social interactions of the intended audience or the artists. In this context, some of the greatest songs of all time have been channeled into developing their lyrical component to connect to the emotional social appeal of the audience. These three key elements are crucial entities that make up the greatest songs of all time.

References

Brown, A. & Gifford, T. & Davidson, R. (2015). Techniques for Generative Melodies Inspired by Music Cognition. Computer Music Journal. 39. 11-26. 10.1162/COMJ_a_00282.

González, S. (2021). The importance of song lyrics in perceptions and the sense of identity of young people. 414-424.

Hiller, S. & Walter, J. (2015). No Longer Durable? The Rise of Streaming Music and Implications for the Bundled Album. SSRN Electronic Journal. 10.2139/ssrn.2670976.

Hook, T. & Sarbunan, T. (2020). The Four Elements Of Music -Melody, Harmony, Rhythm, And Dynamics pianonotes.piano4u.com/index.php/2012/07/the-four-elements-of-music-melody-harmony-rhythm-and- dynamics. 10.13140/RG.2.2.22008.26880.

Mihelač, L., & Povh, J. (2019). The impact of harmony on the perception of music. In 15th International Symposium on Operations Research in Slovenia SOR (Vol. 19, pp. 360-365).

Has Europe Witnessed The Resurgence Of Fascism In Recent Years? Essay Example

Introduction

“If the 20th century was the story of slow, uneven progress toward the victory of liberal democracy over other ideologies—communism, fascism, virulent nationalism—the 21st century is, so far, a story of the reverse” (Applebaum, 2022). Fascism in Europe was condemned and even criminalised, notably at the Nuremberg Trials after World War II (Sellars, 2010). The rise in recent years of far-right groups with extreme ideologies has come with claims of their allegiance to old leaders like Hitler, Francisco Franco, or Mussolini. The spike of new far-right groups in Europe has led to many studies and debates that try to find factors behind the tendency (Sauerbrey 2017). While the number of migrants has been decreasing in recent months due to several measures taken by the European Union and its member countries because of the coronavirus pandemic (Migration Date Portal, 2022), this issue is still important since it has been instrumental in stimulating a rise in support for new far-right parties on the continent. The increasing brutality of this new brand of fascism has some wondering: Has Europe witnessed the resurgence of fascism in recent years (Albright, 2018)?

When it comes to the topic of fascism, theorists like Roger Griffin and his definition of fascism as an ideology of the extreme right are often cited (Griffin, 2013). However, there is still no consensus on what constitutes fascism and how we should define it. One thing is certain: definitions should not be limited to extremist groups or parties with explicit neo-Nazi links. Extremism has evolved over time and its expressions have been changing too. It is therefore necessary to transcend the pitfalls of classical definitions. Extreme right wing groups present in Europe today are different from those during World War II and therefore should be studied carefully in order to assess their form of representation, the ideology underlying their actions and their goals. Many scholars tend to overlook this crucial aspect by only focusing on the extreme right-wing organisations themselves but not addressing what factors allowed these groups to emerge and become popular (in some cases even gaining significant power). Therefore, this essay looks at these factors in order to evaluate what fascist ideology may represent both as a political movement or coping mechanism for a conservative group of people facing economic hardships or profiling as a group that stands against cultural liberalism and immigration. To address this question, this essay will analyze the recent rise of far-right parties in Europe, especially Germany and Italy. It will compare these two countries for the important role they played in nurturing fascist ideologies and movements in the interwar years, whose disastrous consequences were felt across Europe during World War II. Moreover, both countries have seen a resurgence of far-right groups in recent years despite their shared history of outlawing fascism following the war. This essay argues that while there are visible similarities between the resurgence of fascism in Europe today and its past manifestations, it is important to acknowledge that fascism has evolved over time.

Epistemology of Fascism

Although the term fascism has its origin in Italy, it has been used to define a series of right-wing political parties and movements including those in Germany, South America, and the United States (Hoffman and Graham, 2015). In a general sense, according to Benito Mussolini’s doctrine, fascism is for the world what socialism is for the nation (Mussolini, 2006). However, Mussolini’s Fascism was more radical in its opposition to liberal democracy than European forms, which were conservative by comparison. Even so, there are several problems with the definition of fascism, including its broadness and vagueness. Mason argues that since the 1980s, analyses of fascism have failed to engage with the conceptual foundations of fascism and have instead focused on specific manifestations (1995). Mason concludes that because of this lack of engagement with the conceptual foundations of fascism, there are many possible outcomes for various groups considered fascist, thus the definition and meaning of fascism has been controversial (1995). In addition, few attempts have been made to provide a conceptual analysis of the phenomenon, nor to develop a theoretical framework that could help us distinguish among various manifestations of it.

To remedy the issue, Paxton discusses the need for context when determining whether a particular symbol is fascist (1998). Paxton argues that symbols such as swastikas and Roman salutes alone cannot be considered indicative of fascism, but rather they must be used in conjunction with other elements to give a full picture (1998). For instance, Tondo (2018) reports that fans of Ascoli Picena—a provincial team in Italy’s third division—celebrated their goals with neo-fascist salutes. Paxton (1998) argues that such salutes are not fascist, because they are more likely innocuous expressions of pride rather than expressions of support for the ideology. It can be argued that when German football clubs display fascist symbols such as the black-shirted paramilitary unit of Schalke 04, or the group Hooligans Stöcke in Gelsenkirchen known as “Hools”, they are demonstrating their loyalty to the Nazi regime before and during World War II. In addition, in the 2018 trial of Italian fascist groups who performed a fascist salute at the site of Benito Mussolini’s grave. The court acquitted the defendants on grounds that it was a symbolic act of free speech (Fontana, 2018). However, Paxton’s argument further supports his (and many others’) claim that a symbol such as this cannot be stripped from its historical context and isolated for use elsewhere (1998). Therefore, it can be said that while these kinds of acts continue to carry an inherent fascist component, it is ambiguous which acts can be deemed fascist without context.

Thus, the term fascism is an elusive concept and even experts without context cannot precisely define it. It is often associated with militarism, violence, austerity, xenophobia, extreme nationalism, and intolerance of criticism (Paxton 1998; Griffin 1991). Moreover, Paxton (1998) identifies a specific set of characteristics that make a movement fascist: intense nationalism, social darwinism, the primacy of the state over individual rights, the need for national rebirth and popular elitism. Beyond this general definition, all fascist movements have something in common, notably their reliance on paramilitarism or violence rather than ‘legal’ means to achieve political goals. Berman (2019) adds that fascism is a political ideology founded on the concept of “the national will”. It has been described as ‘a revolutionary form of nationalism’ with the sole purpose to defend and advance its own nation, which is considered superior to others (Griffin 1991). In other words, fascism is an extreme conservative ideology. Fascists believe that human beings are essentially imperfect and requires a highly hierarchical political structure and the use of state authority in order for society to be properly organized. The fascist ideology emphasizes moral unity, social order and collective life, with the aim of defeating ‘degenerate’ liberal and socialist movements at their roots, the disruption of class conflict and the creation of the New Order.

In itself, fascism has little to do with left or right politics. Similarly, political conservative movements could also be fascist when they pursue a mythological purity of their own nation. Fascism is therefore an ultra-nationalist ideology and has been branded by some historians as an “extreme radicalisation” doctrine which is able to mobilise mighty popular emotional, and in particular, patriotic, support (Paxton, 1998: 21).

In today’s political world, there is a lot of confusion about the difference between fascism, the Radical Right and extreme right-wing politics. The Radical Right is an alternative right wing movement restricted to Europe which emphasis is on anti-immigration, xenophobia, a strict interpretation of law and order, Euroscepticism and rejection of political correctness (Betz, 1994). Fascism can be used in a broader sense to mean a radical nationalist authoritarian government that seeks to control society by means of an official ideology that typically bases itself on race (Paxton, 1998). This differs from the Radical Right in that it focuses more on corporatism and less on race (Berman, 2019). As a part of this corporatism, fascism often seeks to control the economy with regulation or direct ownership and this differs from the Radical Right again as it does not seek to control business with regulation but instead supports private ownership.

Moreover, fascism and extreme right-wing politics are both movements that oppose the status quo of their respective countries, but their means and ideologies are different. Extreme right-wing politics seek to preserve traditional social hierarchies and principles without change, as they believe these values have been undermined by modernization and globalization (Husbands, 1988). Fascism is an extreme right-wing ideology, but while fascism seeks to preserve the status quo, it also aims to aggressively restore traditional values. Both extreme right-wing politics and fascism seek to assert themselves against those they perceive as threats: the bourgeoisie in the former, the Jews in the latter. In extreme right-wing politics, this threat is neutralized through isolationist policies that limit contact with other countries. Fascism seeks to break down democracy through violence and/or political subversion, as well as aggressive economic expansionism (Hoffman and Graham, 2015; Berman, 2019; Paxton, 1998).

Fascism as a style of life

The rise of fascism in both Italy and Germany after World War I was a truly modern phenomenon at the time because it was a response directly to insecurities during the era (Berman, 2019: 214). The social changes brought about by the war and the political changes brought about by the socialist revolutions, along with economic crises, led to uncertainty among people, which then put them in vulnerable positions where they would be more prone to fascist ideology. Fascist movements in both Italy and Germany expressed the prevailing sense of insecurity and the overall dissatisfaction of the populace during both countries’ interwar periods (Berman 2019). By doing this, they were effectively modernizing their political appeal, as they aimed to win over a growing base of supporters who saw them as agents of change that would improve the overall quality of life for all. To do this, fascist movements need to change their ideology accordingly so that it best suited their particular times. The Italian fascists had always aimed to bring about a greater unification among the people, which was why they were quite successful in Italy’s poorer rural areas. Their message, which was that they would endow every Italian family with a ‘place in the sun’ if they just remained united and strong, was very appealing to a population whose economic woes had taken a toll on its well-being (Pollini, 1983). In particular, Mussolini ascended to power because of the economic and social structures of Italy after 1980 e.g. heavy taxation that was paid by peasants.

In modern-day Italy, the new Interior Minister, Matteo Salvini, recently sparked a fierce debate by announcing plans to crack down on the way certain Italian shops are run. Interior Minister Matteo Salvini wants to require “ethnic shops” to close by 9pm, citing concerns that such stores may become the haunt of drunks and drug dealers after dark (O’Grady, 2019). It is not clear what Salvini intends by the word “ethnic”. Italians have freely chosen to become Italian citizens, so presumably are deemed to be not ‘ethnic’. But then what about those foreign citizens who have not? And is ‘ethnic’ intended to refer only to first generation immigrants, or is it intended to refer also to those with a more distant family connection? Salvini’s plans were met with protests and harsh criticisms. The critical response is understandable, since what this proposal boils down to is giving racist shopkeepers the freedom to exploit and abuse their employees. Salvini makes no secret of such intentions: he is an open ally of the yellow/green fascists of Forza Italia, CasaPound, Lega Nord and Fratelli d’Italia (Dennison and Geddes, 2021). Although many reports of these events describe them as ‘fascist’ based on incomplete or superficial reasons, many authors condemned the Lega Nord government for its racist and exclusionary policies (O’Grady 2018). It can be deemed fascist because it promoted national and racial unity but only amongst citizens who possess the same values and beliefs in what is expected to be a national rebirth (palingenesis).

However, the European Parliament recently expressed concern over the normalization of far-right neofascist groups in Europe. One such example is Greece’s Golden Dawn, a party that has been accused of inciting racial hatred, violence against minorities, and attacks on immigrants as well as members of other political parties. Germany and Italy—which have historically suffered from fascist regimes—now outlaw the propagation of Nazi emblems and symbols, and Germany’s parliament, the Bundestag, introduced a law to ban Nazism in January 2018. The country’s Federal Constitutional Court stated that the display of (Nazi) symbols smacks of approval for the crimes of National Socialism. In particular, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) party and Italy’s CasaPound are two neo-fascist movements that have been criticized for their use of fascist imagery. The two groups can be considered neo-fascist rather than right wing/ extreme right wing because of the way in which they use fascist imagery and rhetoric. Both groups have adopted fascist symbols and have been accused of using violence against their critics and minorities. In addition, both groups have used anti-immigrant rhetoric that is associated with fascism (Cammelli, 2017; Lees, 2018.). In their speeches, both groups have been accused of promoting anti-semitic ideas and targeting minorities. They reject authorities above the nation-state (the Union, the European Central Bank, or foreign governments) as well as immigrants (refugees and Muslims). However, it is not all gloom and doom. Camelli asserts that, in practice, the members of CasaPound in Italy hold many social activities, ranging from employment and housing advice to youth programs (2017). Their strategy is to build relationships with locals and participate in local initiatives that would not typically be associated with fascism or any far-right movement. This concept is also present in the AfD’s political program, which seeks to cover all sectors of society. Unlike the NPD in Germany for example, which focuses only on immigration policy and anti-Semitism, the AfD has a wider platform on issues including education, taxes, security and law and order policies (AfD, 2014). It was this connection with contemporary problems that made its popularity grow among young Germans – according to Politico polls 11 percent of German voters between 18–29 years old supported the AfD party in December 2021 (Schultheis, 2022.).

Conclusion

In sum, it seems that there is a nostalgia for fascism in Germany that draws from dissatisfaction with European Union and immigration policies, anti-Americanism and the influence of globalization, as well as German identity being linked to a past that is static and unchanging. Fritzsche also accounts for this through considering the desire for belonging (1989). Despite being different in many ways, supporters of CasaPound and AfD party all look for a sense of belonging, which is linked to personal identity, political orientation and economic status. Because of a fear of the future and globalization, right wing political groups are becoming increasingly popular in Europe. While there are visible similarities between the resurgence of fascism in Europe today and its past manifestations, it can be noted that fascism has evolved over time. The main characteristic of the Fascisms of the twenties and thirties was their negative attitude towards liberal democratic values and the free market economy. However, today fascism is being presented as a movement against globalization, modernity and liberalism. Further, from the Alternative for Germany (AfD) to La CasaPound in Italy, these parties attract voters by appealing to their interests rather than implementing Mussolini’s oppressive strategies. They feel that they represent the voice of the people. They claim that they are concerned about terrorism, immigrants and the economy. By presenting themselves as saviours for the masses, these parties win elections and gain support for their policies designed to revive ultra-nationalism and bring back old times’ glory. Even so, the emotional and passionate support of contemporary fascism is ontologically primitive to the past manifestations and to symbolic leaders like Hitler. This can be attributed to the fact that these parties are operating in a Western capitalist system that is not conducive to the implementation of their program. As a result, new fascist groups have been forced to adapt their methods of political action in order to survive and thrive within the modern liberal democratic context.

Bibliography

AfD (2014) Courage to stand up for Germany: For European diversity: Party program of the Alternative für Deutschland for the election to the European Parliament. Berlin: Alternative for Germany

Applebaum, A., 2022. The Bad Guys Are Winning. [online] The Atlantic. Available at: <https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2021/12/the-autocrats-are-winning/620526/> [Accessed 27 January 2022].

Berman, S., (2019) Democracy and Dictatorship in Europe. From the Ancien Régime to /he Present Day. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Betz, H.G., (1994). Immigration and Xenophobia. In Radical Right-wing populism in Western Europe (pp. 69-106). Palgrave Macmillan, London.

Cammelli, M G., (2017) “Fascism as a style of life: Community life and violence in a neofascist movement in Italy”, Focaal 79: 89-101.

Dennison, J. and Geddes, A., (2021). The centre no longer holds: the Lega, Matteo Salvini and the remaking of Italian immigration politics. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, pp.1-20.

Fontana, S. (2019) Perché è così difficile applicare la legge Scelba sull’apologia del fascismo?. [online] Wired Italia. Available at: <https://www.wired.it/attualita/politica/2019/05/04/apologia-fascismo-legge-scelba-perche-difficile-applicare/> [Accessed 27 January 2022].

Fritzsche, P., (1989) “Terrorism in the federal republic of Germany and Italy: Legacy of the ’68 movement or ‘burden of fascism’?”, Terrorism and Political Violence, 1 (4), pp. 466-481.

Griffin, R., (2013). The nature of fascism. Routledge.

Hoffman, J., and Graham, P., (2015) Introduction to Political Theory. London: Routledge

Husbands, C.T., (1988). Extreme right‐wing politics in great Britain: The recent marginalisation of the national front. West European Politics11(2), pp.65-79.

Lees, C., (2018). The ‘Alternative for Germany’: The rise of right-wing populism at the heart of Europe. Politics38(3), pp.295-310.

Mason, T., (1995) “Whatever happened to ‘fascism’?” In: Caplan, J., Nazism, fascism and the Working Class. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 323-331

Migration data portal. (2022). Migration data in Europe. [online] Available at: <https://www.migrationdataportal.org/regional-data-overview/europe> [Accessed 27 January 2022].

Mussolini, B., (2006). “The Doctrine of Fascism” (1932). New York: Howard Fertig.

O’Grady, S., (2019) ‘Before our eyes, Italy is becoming a fascist state’. [Online]. The Independent. Available at: <https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/italy-fascist-policies-march-rome-matteo-salvini-donald-trump-a8586711.html> [Accessed 27 January 2022].

Paxton, R., (1998) “The Five Stages of Fascism”, The Journal of Modern History 70 (1): 1-23.

Pollini, M. (1983) “Recent Interpretations of Mussolini and Italian Fascism.” Il Politico. Pp. 751-764.

Sauerbrey, A., (2017) “How Germany deals with neo-Nazis”, the New York Times [online], 23 August 2017. Available at: https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/2S/opinion/germany-neo-nazis- charlottesville.html [accessed 21 January 2022]

Schultheis, E. (2022.) Far-right AfD in German election: Less fuss but still a force. [Online] Available at: <https://www.politico.eu/article/germany-election-2021-alternative-for-germany-afd-far-right/> [Accessed 27 January 2022].

Sellars, K., 2010. Imperfect justice at Nuremberg and Tokyo. European Journal of International Law21(4), pp.1085-1102.

Tondo, L., (2018). Success of far-right Brothers of Italy raises fears of fascist revival. [online] The Guardian. (2018). Available at: <https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/aug/03/success-of-far-right-brothers-of-italy-raises-fears-of-fascist-revival> [Accessed 27 January 2022].

Broadening The Definition Of Hate Crime Writing Sample

Purpose

The greater role of this document is to provide the program to the U.K. government on the steps to be taken on action against hate crime. It is meant to extend our understanding of what hate crime includes and act as a briefing note to the minister.

Background

“Hate crime” is a subject with multiples of understanding and definitions. It is capable of provoking powerful reactions in the society of interest. It is defined in Wales and England as exacerbating the weightiness of existing criminal offenses – harassment, criminal damage, or assault (these crimes show evidence of hostility element). Laws of hate crime are developed to cater to the concern of the harmful acts and disproportionate criminal which targets a specific group in the society. Offenders of these laws create fear and anxiety to people of the specific group threatening their rights to freedom. To better understand, hate crimes are offenses stirred up by hostility towards a person’s personality and character. They damage the wider society and undermine a long-range of civic rights such as public participation and equality. It heightens division and tension within the community.

Over the years, hate crime laws have expanded anonymously. The murder of a London black teenager in 1993, which brought in Wales and England the introduction of racial hate crime policies in 1998, expanded to include religion in 2001, later in 2003 added sexual orientation and disability, and later in 2012 transgender identity. It has expanded in offenses only. Most countries have seen the importance of including hate crime laws in their constitution to liberate their citizens from oppression, threats, and anxiety about violating human rights. These countries include England and Wales, Northern Ireland and Scotland, and other compatible countries – Canada, the USA, New Zealand, and Australia. Last year, the government of Ireland broadcast the implementation of an inclusive set of hate crime regulations, a new set of Hate Crime laws, and public acts were implemented and enforced in the Scottish government in March last year. These newly reinforced laws replaced the pre-existing laws similar to England and Wales with few differences.

Despite the extensive adoption over past years, these laws are not supported universally. Most citizens consider them unjust as they lead to the law addressing the offender differently according to the victim’s characteristics. Most of the opposers of these laws argue that they create more division and inequality than usual. Considering the claim, we all accept the genuineness withheld. Still, we disapprove of the conclusion as these laws depend entirely on the cheered of the criminal and the expression of cruelty and not on the victim’s identity. For example, suppose a Muslim is assaulted, and no proof that the offense was cheered by the fact that the person is a Muslim, or the criminal expressed cruelty on the basis. In that case, the crime will not be categorized as a hate crime. The criminal offenses in consideration in this report involve a mental state or action conducted intentionally or recklessly. It, therefore, does not pardon the offender for practicing beliefs that others consider wicked or homophobic. For example, the law protects the Lesbian, guy, bisexual and transgender society and punishes any offender who attacks society based on the personality. Broadening hate crime laws will protect personal characteristics, promote respect for beliefs, and eliminate confusion. For example, the confusion on the permissible meaning of hate crime is based on objective proof of the inhumane. The document will provide steps to broaden the hate crime Act, Chalmers & Leverick, (2020).

Problem

The main reason for hate crime implementation is to convey tolerance and equality – this law’s supporters and implementors signal members that prejudice and hatred are severely punishable. At times, the objective of the law is not achieved but the opposite. The law encourages American citizens to consider themself special, not subject to the law but as a special group. The implementation of the law has led to unfair practices and unintended consequences. People debate on the effectiveness of the enactment to protect society. Most of these problems addressed here will help create a firm ground supporting the broadening of the hate crime law, show its essence, and later provide solutions to these problems.

First, critics argue that the enactment of hate crime laws is for the political importance in response to bias-motivated crimes highly broadcasted by the broadcasting services. The media fails to examine the validity of the hostility cases before broadcasting. The hoaxes use the media as a tool to show the public the ineffectiveness of hate crime legislation (Jacobs & Henry, 1996). The media faces a challenge as they don’t take enough time to distinguish between fake and true hate crimes. Therefore, media has become equipment in which liberals’ pranks are broadcasted to express their agendas. In 2015, homosexuals burnt down their house and blamed the neighbor for spraying “anti-gay spurs” on their house before putting it on fire (Polage, 2012).

Opposers claim that hate crime legislation does not perform its role but is based on political motives. Some politicians support the legislation as very tough because they support homosexuality. Others receive campaigning support and attract votes from the strong group who lobby for the legislation (Beale, 2001). It is also reported that legislators who critics hate crime laws are faced with political murder, which reveals that legislation has some political interests.

Thirdly, the support for hate crime law is not universal. A large percentage of people agree that the cruel demise of Matthew Shepard and James Byrd Jr. is unacceptable (KING & SUTTON, 2013). The public reveals interest with some allocations of the hate crime laws. Most do not support this legislation as their views do not address merging the legislation to other crimes and not classifying it as a special crime. Research has also shown that most people reject the laws because they violate constitutional rights. (Bradley, 2007)

Moreover, hate crime laws lack public approval because the groups protected by the legislation do not even support it. LGBT group is one of the most advantaged groups on hate crime legislation. Still, research by Queers for Economic Justice and Sylvia Rivera Law project does not support the laws (Alongi, 2016). Many critics believe that is wrongly used against minorities and the poor; at the same time pardoning, they do not solve the challenge of bias, thus creating toughened offenders. The citizens, therefore, question the impact of hate crime legislation.

Fourth, the law court has ruled that State hate crime provisions are unconditional due to nebulousness. For instance, suspect Christopher Botts and Angela Pisciotta were charged with aggravated hostility in Botts v. State for beating up two black Americans in Georgia, Hogue, (2005). The Georgia supreme court in 2004 discovered that the words bias and prejudice were too general and unclear as they didn’t lay down on which basis; color, religion, race, and gender. As a result, the Georgia Court reduced the ruling from eight to six years of the sentence (“Judge throws out Title IX claim because no alleged gender bias,” 2018)

Another controversial conflict with the enactment of hate crime law is, do these laws contradict, Equal protection rights, First Amendment, or the Double Jeopardy Clause. The hate crime offender is dually punished, first for the act and secondly for the intentions behind the act, which is against the double jeopardy clause. It, therefore, contradicts the constitutional laws. It is also seen that these laws violate people’s rights to equal protection, which is just included in the 14th While the law’s main aim is to advocate for equality and tolerance, hate crime legislation may be obstructing stability socially as they aggravate societal division.

Solution

  1. Protecting some groups of people more than others needs to be corrected. By offering equal coverage to each of the ‘protected behavior.’
  2. On the conflict of judgment in court to solve the problem against the double Jeopardy clause, that is, the existing crimes and the hate speech, the hate crime court should address the former and leave the latter for the public to address.
  3. The commission making the amendment needs to be made strong and independent. The commission should propose a set of typical criteria for determining whether new characteristics need to be protected. The commission should make it easier to prosecute hearsay offenses. The commission needs to make the law like others but not independent. The action will draw a multitude of the public to support the law making it universal.
  4. The public should be educated on hate crime law and their views respected and addressed.
  5. The media need to examine every piece of information and find the truth of any offense before publication and broadcasting. A severe penalty should be reinforced against anyone who recklessly makes confusing confessions publicly but undermines the constitutional statutes (“What are the hate crime laws and should they be reformed?” 2022)
  6. Lastly, politicians need to respect and protect the country’s constitution. Hate crime laws protect human rights against harassment and torture based on discrimination of race, color, gender, sexuality, religion, and any other. The offender’s intention should be weighed to warn the racists and those who take advantage of others.

Implications

The project on broadening the definition of hate crime exposes us to the world of special groups of people with extraordinary characteristics. We are all borne differently, and therefore no one should be harassed or assaulted based on personal characteristics. The impact of this project is majorly incorporate all the special groups of people to protect for them to enjoy their stay under the sun. It is also a remedy for people who suffer from psychological torture from their physical or unchangeable characteristics. There are numerous groups of people left out who need protection within society. Many sexually harassed victims do not find the courage to speak out due to the stigmatization and sometimes harassment of the less fortunate group. Broadening the definition for hate crime will eliminate most cases such as; racism, discrimination, hearsays, rape cases, slavery, and physical torture. People will be given equal rights despite their gender, sexuality, religion, and color. It will therefore promote national cohesion and integration. It will enhance public participation in policy-making to the government by responding to their views on the amendment of hate crime law to merge it to other laws. It will make it easy for people to obey and bid by it.

The minister may find some hard time in reinforcing the law without first stimulating the mentioned problems. The law should not contradict at all other clauses in the constitution. The contradiction makes it tough to enforce the law and for people to follow, as most know there is a loophole for defense with the same constitution. It is not easy to make it universal since even the beneficiaries do not support it. It, therefore, means if amendments are to be made on broadening, the bill will receive the minority votes. Incorporating characteristic behaviors that are controversial to most believers makes it have fewer supporters.

Workability of The Solution

  1. It is easy to amend some parts of the law and suit all people, not a subgroup. If self-interest is withdrawn, a similar clause in the constitution can be incorporated in hate crime laws, then the Laws included in the constitution and not independent.
  2. It might be challenging to find out the truthfulness of every piece of information; thus, it will remain a challenge for social media to be used by opposers to find the policy. Heavy penalties are then supposed to be imposed on anyone who commits speaking against the constitution. Another challenge is the lack of court approval of the law, which means the law is not stable. Lawyers and policymakers need to be deployed in reviewing the laws and thus come up with a stable and safe policy.
  3. It will also be tough to broaden the policy if most leaders are against it and use it for their interests. People are also not noticing the importance of the policy since other clauses served the same purposes; its objectives should therefore be made clear.
  4. Impact of the broadening definition of Hate Crime
  5. The government itself is benefits; it will ensure the people are protected and that criminal acts are minimized. It will also provide an easy time for the judiciary in the ruling process. It also makes the constitution strong and independent. The second group with benefits is the LGBT society protected against social discrimination. Foreigners are also privileged and protected against language, color, and religious discrimination.

Challenges

  1. It is very expensive to amend a policy, beginning with parliamentary seatings, awareness creation, memorandum, and other processes.
  2. The policy contradicts some cultures and beliefs, making it tough to be universal. It will also be challenging to go against a culture recognized in the constitution.
  3. Hate Crime laws face opposition from a large population due to their negative impacts and weakness in opening a loophole for inequality and vices.

Next steps

The next step will be to merge the relative constitutional clauses with hate crime laws and then incorporate the law in the constitution. However, a review of the laws is needed, and necessary corrections are done. The broadening process should include all the people with disability, including mental disorders and unique characteristic persons.

References

Alongi, B. (2016). The Negative Ramifications of Hate Crime Legislation: It’s Time to Reevaluate Whether Hate Crime Laws Are Beneficial to Society. Pace L. Rev.37, 326.

Beale, S. (2001). Federalizing Hate Crimes: Symbolic Politics, Expressive Law, or Tool for Criminal Enforcement?. SSRN Electronic Journal. https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.274930

Bradley, M. (2007). SYMBOLIZING HATE: THE EXTENT AND INFLUENCE OF ORGANIZED HATE GROUP INDICATORS. Journal Of Crime And Justice30(1), 1-15. https://doi.org/10.1080/0735648x.2007.9721224

Chalmers, J., & Leverick, F. (2020). Hate Crime and Public Order (Scotland) Bill: A Report for the Justice Committee.

Hogue, L. D., & Hogue, F. J. (2005). Mercer Law Review Vol. 057 Issue 01-010 pg. 0113-Criminal law.

Jacobs, J., & Henry, J. (1996). The Social Construction of a Hate Crime Epidemic. The Journal Of Criminal Law And Criminology (1973-)86(2), 366. https://doi.org/10.2307/1144030

Judge throws out Title IX claim because of no alleged gender bias. (2018), 14(11), 11-11. https://doi.org/10.1002/catl.30439

KING, R., & SUTTON, G. (2013). HIGH TIMES FOR HATE CRIMES: EXPLAINING THE TEMPORAL CLUSTERING OF HATE-MOTIVATED OFFENDING. Criminology51(4), 871-894. https://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9125.12022

Polage, D. (2012). Making up History: False Memories of Fake News Stories. Europe’S Journal Of Psychology8(2), 245-250. https://doi.org/10.5964/ejop.v8i2.456

See James B. Jacobs & Jessica S. Henry, The Social Construction of a Hate Crime Epidemic, 86 J. CRIM. L. & CRIMINOLOGY 366, 371 (1996).

What are the hate crime laws, and should they be reformed?. Theos Think Tank. (2022). Retrieved 2 February 2022, from https://www.theosthinktank.co.uk/comment/2020/10/29/what-are-the-hate-crime-laws-and-should-they-be-reformed.

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