The Unlicensed Assistive Personnel: Values And Functions Essay Example

Nowadays, more patients focus on the problems connected to poor medical care and inability to develop appropriate nurse-patient relations. If a nurse gets education and tries to find proper practical application to the received theoretical knowledge, it is easier for him/her to find out the most successful way of communication with patients. Still, it is difficult to define clearly the values related to UAPs as this group of people usually “holds jobs that require limited education and that provide low pay and low social status” (Cates & Lauritzen, 2002, p. 62).

In spite of constant difficulties with working places, UAPs take the most important values into consideration and try to do their job as better as possible. Nursing values are the rules which help to identify what is actually wrong and right. The values which have to be followed by UAPs are as follows: delicate care of older patients, complete care for all patient in need (Plawecki & Amrhein, 2010), multi-skilled assistance to any registered nurse like running different errands or delivering the things of the primary importance, supplies’ delivery. Due to the fact that such values are on quick and usually easy determination, UAPs are in demand. Though their presence is hard to observe in medical facilities, their functions remain crucial for health care.

Goals and Plan to Promote UAP

It is stated that in many hospitals, registered nurses are replaced by UAPs in order to meet a number of increased demands which are related to increased costs (Upenieks, Akhavan, & Kotlerman, 2008). Still, the activities of UAPs are not always properly understood and defined, this is why it is very important to promote this section of nursing care and introduce a good plan to encourage as many unlicensed assistive nurses as possible.

First, it is obligatory to provide personnel with training with the help of which theoretical background is improved. Second, UAPs should cooperate with registered nurses (RN) in order to understand personal demands and develop professional relations before patient’s care is demanded. UAPs and RNs relations should be developed constantly and not at the expense of patients’ health. Additional training courses and seminars may be appropriate. Finally, it is necessary to hire a personal who may deal with psychological and emotional barriers which confuse some UAPs and RNs. Professional help should be offered in time to avoid some misunderstandings.

Worst Case Scenario

In spite of the fact that much time is spent regulating the relations between UAPs, RNs, and patients, there is still a possibility of conflicts and confusions between different people. It happens that RNs admit their priority and try to make use of their powers and functions to hurt the feelings of UAPs. Even some emotional troubles may influence care, and conflicts between RNs and UAPs are hard to overcome.

Certain attention should be paid to patients. This group of people is not able to identify the functions of medical staff properly; this is why they are upset if UAPs are not able to provide them with fast diagnosis or some medical care. Patients are also disappointed because of lateness of answering call lights. Such lateness is usually based on poor time management. UAPs and RNs try to neglect their cooperation to treat patients within a short period of time. However, it is wrong to omit the necessity to plan their activities, time, and functions but start taking care of patients.

Reference List

Cates, D.F & Lauritzen, P. (2002). Medicine and the ethics of care. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press.

Plawecki, L.H. & Amrhein, D.W. (2010). A question of delegation: unlicensed assistive personnel and the professional nurse. Journal of Gerontological Nursing, 36(8), 18-21.

Upenieks, V.V., Akhavan, J., & Kotlerman, J. (2008). Value-added care: a paradigm shift in patient care delivery. Nursing Economics, 26(5), 294-300.

Supply-Side Policies And Market Productivity


Economic recessions are particularly troubling times for economies where growth is halted, incomes are lost, and households fail to afford products and services. A recession can be described as a tipping point in the economic cycle where an ongoing growth at the peak reverses and changes into an enduring market contraction (Amadeo, 2020). In other words, a recession represents a significant decline in the economic activity which lasts several months and is usually reflected through the changes in the real income, gross domestic product (GDP), and wholesale and retail prices among others. The governments make efforts to help the country in this situation, often through the use of various policies. In this case, the supply-side policies and their implications on market productivity are considered. These policies focus on aspects such as taxes, government benefits, and labor regulations

Research has presented a divided opinion on the questions of whether the supply-side policies are the best solutions to help a country out of recession. In history, there are cases in which these policies worked, for example, Germany and the USA, and other cases where they were considered a failure, for example, France. However, it can be argued that the success of these policies depends on whether or not the extent to which the traditional Keynesian models are used and other factors such as inflation come into play to support the supply-side policies. This paper examines the effect of supply-side policies and market productivity during a recession. An argument that these policies are inadequate will be examined and solutions will be recommended.

Discussion and Analysis

Supply-side policies entail attempts by the government to boost economic activity to keep the economy functioning optimal. The arguments regarding their inadequacy to overcome a recession support the idea that these frameworks can only work in the short to medium term and that their effects are weak. These sentiments have been presented by Dosi et al. (2019), whose focus has been the relationship between these interventions and the characteristics of the labor market. These researchers explain that the supply-side policies intended to reduce unemployment are not independent of the labor market conditions. The question that remains, therefore, is whether these policies alone can be relied on during severe downturns, especially in structurally weak labor markets. The expected outcomes of measures intended to boost labor, for example, increasing training programs and helping people with job searches, is that employment will go up, and the national income will follow. Additionally, the availability of labor means more productivity of the markets, and the incomes can boost the aggregate demand. With this cycle, the decline in economic activity, which is the major event in a recession, is reversed, at least in theory.

Boosting employment as a means to recover from a recession works partially because other factors affect the economy. A discussion of the concept of secular stagnation from a supply-side perspective by Rachel and Summers (2019) can explain the unsustainability of such approaches. These authors argue that secular stagnation is common phenomenon among the industrialized world. Therefore, the cases of France, the US, and Germany used in this paper could be facing the same challenges where declines in neutral interest rates have also been attributed to other aspects. These include shifts investment and saving propensities as opposed to the liquidity properties of the treasury. The slow growth affects the living standards and reduces net investment, which in turn reduces the growth of productivity. Additionally, it can be expected that inflation would result from rising national income from labor. This inflation can neutralize any productivity, and the progress made in the short term may reverse until a new equilibrium is achieved, in which case this could be the secular stagnation.

Other supply-side policies focus on other macroeconomic elements targeted by the government. A case study of the United Kingdom presented by Minford and Meenaggh (2020) discusses policies targeting taxation and other regulations. The UK government implemented major reforms in the UK’s institutions, including reductions in marginal tax rates and regulation of hiring and firing laws (labor reforms), intended to remove barriers to entrepreneurship. The rationale was that such efforts will facilitate economic growth through the production function. In other words, these supply-side policies seek to improve market productivity, mechanisms that have thus far worked for the country. Additionally, the Plan for Growth developed in 2011, focused on enhancing the growth of startups through a reduction in tax and regulation burdens. Considering that no UK government has moved away from these reforms, it can be argued the supply-side policies can be effective.

However, the situation explained above is not from a recession but rather from a growing economy. The UK case study can only be used to illustrate the positive effect of supply-side policies in an economy not affected by a recession. Conflicting views on the working of the supply-side policies in economic crises can be examined by looking at cases where they worked and where they did not work. In the case of France, researchers such as Cohen-Setton et al. (2017) explain that the country deviated from the standard and decided to implement mandatory increases in wages. The deflation ended but the productivity stagnated. These researchers also refer to US policies during the great depression. The US implemented what was known as the National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA). The standard Keynesian models used for policy analysis, according to Cohen-Setton et al. (2017), show that the program ought to have been expansionary considering the economic conditions witnessed during the depression. However, these researchers indicate that economists have suggested that the Act was not expansionary.

Different countries across the world responded differently using the supply-side policies. In France, the supply-side policies were implemented by the Leon Blum government who was elected in May 1936 (Cohen-Setton et al., 2017). These policies were compared to NIRA but at a far greater scale. The private sector wages were raised from 7% to 15%, workers were granted 2 weeks paid leave, and work wast confined within 40 hours without pay loss (Cohen-Setton et al., 2017). These policies isolated the demand-side resulted in a massive increase in inflation and prevented France from recovering from the great depression. As explained above, the supply-side policies may offer short to medium term solution before market forces revert the progress to a new equilibrium. Most importantly, productivity not matched by adequate aggregate demand, majorly die to hiked prices, means most supply-side policies fail to produce the desired results.

Germany is one exception where the Social Democratic Party (SPD) implemented supply-side policies that deviated from the traditional Keynesian thinking. The government’s focus was to balance its budget and reduce its debt. According to Bremer (2020), the concerns about its reputation for economic competence resulted in the SDP supporting fiscal consolidation. Germany recovered quickly from the 2008-2009 crisis despite the government itself remaining in crisis due to the Eurozone crisis that kept a tight grip on the Euro (Bremer, 2020). Stimulus programs including taxes and benefits and economic liberalism practiced through privatization, deregulation was often supported by the left-wing. However, the right-wing supported different approaches to recovery. Overall, however, the extent to which the supply-side policies were deployed, differed from the US and France, something that made Germany an exemption. This is because Germany supported welfare but opposed economic liberalism and rigid budgetary policy. Deregulation and growing market liberalization allowed the adverse effects of inflation. Arguably, there was a balance between the supply-side and demand-side of the equation that has the effect of cancelling out the effects of inflation.

It can be seen, therefore, that the supply-side policies fail to boost productivity during a recession, an effect that they usually have during normal economic conditions as in the case study of the UK. During normal times, the policies focusing on taxes and labor make sure that that unemployment is kept at the minimum and that the households can boost the aggregate demand because the prices are maintained. In other words, inflation during a forced expansionary policy soon reverses the effects of these policies as explained in the case of France (Cohen-Setton et al., 2017). The traditional Keynesian model states that increasing government expenditure and lowering taxes stimulates demand and pulls an economy out of a depression. Without boosting demand, therefore, a supply-side policy alone cannot boost market productivity during a recession.


As explained in the discussion above, supply-side policies fail to boost market productivity in the long-term because of inflation that reduced the aggregate demand. With lower aggregate demand, the production slows down and the market reverses back to recession. The major solution to this phenomenon is to implement demand management policies alongside the supply-side policies. A sample framework for demand management policies has been presented by Dosi et al. (2019) comprising government taxes, bank profits, and government benefits. The taxes and profits are at a fixed rate and the government benefit is calculated as a fraction of the average wage. As such, the unemployment benefit becomes that main tool to manage the passive labor market policies. It is argued that they work differently from boosting labor in that the current productivity is maintained alongside the aggregate demand to keep the economy running.

A comparison between supply-side and demand-side policies reveals that the two can supplement each other to lift the economy out of a recession. Dosi et al. (2019) present a study where the main conclusions reached include that the supply-side policies cannot reverse the perverse relationship between austerity and flexibility. Additionally, they conclude that the demand-side policies, specifically demand management, can mitigate inequality better and can improve and sustain growth in the long-run. For this reason, the solution proposed here is founded on the idea that consumption drives market productivity where aggregate demand drives up the aggregate supply. Assuming that the prices will be stable, that is, the government will regulate the prices to eliminate inflation, then the most likely response to aggregate demand is productivity growth and subsequently an economy is lifted from recession.

As mentioned above, the failure of the supply-side policies is caused by the movements in the inflation rates. Therefore, another solution that can help these policies achieve the objective for which they are implemented is to regulate aggregate prices to ensure that growing aggregate demand does not cause a rise in prices. During inflation, high uncertainty means corporations and consumers are unlikely to spend (Jain, 2017). This has the effect of negatively affecting the economy in the long run. Keeping inflation low during the implementation of supply-side policies will help reduce this effect. However, it is important to acknowledge that inflation tends to decline during a recession because sellers have unsold stock and the only way to boost sales is by reducing the prices. The rise in inflation is triggered by the rising costs of production from the labor regulations.


The supply-side policies are intended to improve productivity to keep the economy out of a recession. However, evidence from France and Germany presented above reveals that only short term growth in market productivity can be achieved with these policies. In long-term, however, other market changes, including rising inflation, will reverse these growth effects and the productivity declines again. It has been argued that better management of aggregate demand and inflation will help achieve long term market productivity. This is because aggregate demand can keep productivity levels high, thereby lifting the economy out of the depression. However, policies that increase the costs of production through labor regulations will negatively affect the aggregate demand through inflation. Keeping inflation low helps to sustain higher levels of production because the resulting movements in supply under stable prices keeps the economy running. Additionally, outcomes such as the growth in national income from the rising employment levels prevent the economy from reverting to a recession.


Amadeo, K. (2020). Causes of an economic recession. The Balance. 

Bremer, B. (2020). The political economy of the SPD reconsidered: Evidence from the Great Recession. German Politics, 29(3), 441-463. Web.

Cohen-Setton, J., Hausman, J., & Wieland, J. (2017). Supply-side policies in the depression: Evidence from France. Journal of money credit and banking, 49(2-3), 273-317. Web.

Dosi, G., Pereira, M., Roventini, A., & Virgillito, M. (2019). What if supply-side policies are not enough? The perverse interaction of flexibility and austerity. Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization, 162, 360-388. Web.

Jain, E. (2017). Inflation and recession: Impacts over global economies and markets. IOSR Journal of Economics and Finance, 8(2), 1-5. 

Minford, L., & Meenaggh, D. (2020). Supply-side policy and economic growth: A case study of the UK. Open Economies Review, 31(1), 159-193. 

Rachel, L., & Summers, L. (2019). On secular stagnation in the industrialized world. Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, 105(5), 1-76. 

Appendix: PowerPoint Slides

Supply-Side Policies

Proposed Solution

Proposed Solution (Contd.)

Primary Prevention: Public Health Concept


Primary prevention is a public health concept of intervention that is used to eliminate the causes of a disease or a certain condition that could be affecting an individual and even a community. The concept is historically founded on the fact that removing the proven causes of a disease or a particular incidence will mean that the disease or that occurrence is unlikely to happen. For example, there is a connection between poor sanitation and the occurrence of cholera and typhoid. Primary prevention, therefore, aims at eliminating as much as possible, all the possible causes of a disease or any other hazardous condition in a community. Through such means, primary prevention meets its objective of promoting healthy communities, supporting education, and providing a safer environment for living.

Family Violence in the Community

Primary prevention used to manage community problems like family violence includes efforts to ensure healthy co-existence in the community (Humphreys & Campbell, 2010, p. 429). The primary prevention will therefore educate the members of the community on issues that involve violence, teach the community how to prevent this violence, and also how to avoid engaging in violence (Clark, 2008, p. 215). These educative programs help in reducing the level of family violence among communities. In the same spirit of reducing chances of evoking family violence, there is a need to develop activities that will occupy individuals’ time and then the thought of violence will be shifted in a constructive manner to productive ventures. Thus the use of primary prevention, couples and partners can be directed to engage in productive activities rather than violence (Clark, 2008, p. 215). Apart from that, the marriage counseling programs currently available in many communities will help in reducing cases of family violence in the community. When individual partners, couples, and family members attend a counseling session, then it’s likely that they are able to solve issues and marital conflicts effectively, hence preventing possible violence.

Family violence is a significant community health problem that is still affecting many families in the US and Europe even today. Studies show that family violence is exhibited along a continuum of actions that range from episodic fights, single or occasional aggression to regular fights and battering. Battering is more common and intensive violence where one partner takes control of the other by the fights (Chamberlain, 2008, para. 3). However, the good news is that these violent events are preventable, from the occasional violence to battering. The key to finding the best solution to the problem as far as the primary prevention strategy is concerned is to aim at dealing with first-time perpetrators and their victims.

Defining Family Violence

There are varied definitions of family violence depending on the degree to which abuse or pain is inflicted on the other partner ranging from non-physical abuse to violent aggression with physician infliction of pain. For the sake of this study, family violence will include any action that is purposively done or perceived to be done to cause physical pain to another family member in an intimate relationship (Clark, 2008, p. 219). It’s evident that conflicts in a family are not only inevitable but necessary. However, when the conflict results in violence, then that problem has gotten out of hand and needs a proper and lasting solution.

Everyone in a marriage relationship can agree to this presumption that they have at least experienced a major marital disagreement even though they may have managed to solve their disputes peacefully. Women are in most cases the victims and men the perpetrators of violence in male-dominated communities (Chrisler & Ferguson, 2006, p. 236). In some cases, the disagreements in marriage can escalate to levels that the spouses are overpoweringly distressed and disappointed about the marital relationship that they begin questioning whether would want to remain married or get out of the marriage (Clark, 2008, p. 219)

The Risks and Protective Factors

The primary prevention of family violence identifies five factors that have been greatly linked to this community vice (Humphreys & Campbell, 2010, p. 429). These factors include individuals, surrounding environment, beliefs and societal attitudes, and interaction larger eco-system.


There are several personal attributes that are closely correlated with violence perpetration. Family conflicts are any serious or minor interpersonal differences that involve one partner having different thoughts, opinions, or ideas. Individual factors affecting the perception of people include age, personality, income, substance abuse, gender, violence, and family background history (Chamberlain, 2008, para. 3). Statistics show that younger men are more likely to engage in violence against their spouses than older men. Gender as a factor shows that men are often the perpetrators as revealed by intimate homicide cases and other domestic violence researches (Humphreys & Campbell, 2010, p. 429).

For substance abuse, many perpetrators of family violence are drug abusers. Drug use causes irrational decisions and aggression which easily culminates in violence. For family background, research has found that a significant number of perpetrators of violence are those individuals who witness violence or were victims of violence in their childhood (Chamberlain, 2008, para. 5). Particularly, men who were sexually and physically abused in childhood are likely to severely and violently fight their partner as adults.

Surrounding environment

Beyond individuals lays a number of factors in the environment that can cause violent behavior against a spouse. In an intimate relationship, these factors include the economic independence of partners, the height of verbal arguments, status discrepancy, and stage of the marriage, and the beliefs of male supremacy (Lutzker, 2006, p. 62). While these could be regarded as individual factors, they mostly occur within a relationship context hence are brought about by that situation and are not innate. Besides the perpetrator’s general view of violence, societal position and peer groupings are other factors that can cause violence.

Interaction with larger eco-system

Larger organizational systems form the basis on which people rate their behavior. The global factors that determine character are crucial for study in such a case. The risk factors for domestic violence have been identified as including low education level, unemployment, low-status jobs, and generally low-income earnings (Lutzker, 2006, p. 67). Statistics have shown that a greater percentage of family violence cases are from those people who are suffering because of their being poor, have low income, feel oppressed at their workplaces, are bankrupt, and are less educated.

Social beliefs and Attitudes

Many of the factors found to be posing greater risks of violence are societal attitudes and uninformed beliefs that individuals tend to act upon. At times it’s very hard to separate the factors into one category or ecology (Chamberlain, 2008, para. 5). Some of the factors here include societal approval of physically punishing women, rigid roles of families based on gender, male masculinity, societal beliefs of ownership of women, and social support of using violence to settle disputes (Chrisler & Ferguson, 2006, p. 237). It’s pertinent to note that not all people who hold such beliefs or are brought up in such societies are perpetrators but rather this is a strong predictor of related family violence.

Comprehensive Health Program

Primary prevention is a cost-effective means of addressing public or community problems because it helps to contain the situation hence preventing the occurrence of the problem. Basically in any problem, being able to prevent the full consequences of the problem is a great step towards managing the cost of dealing with the problem had it occurred (Lutzker, 2006, p. 67). Primary prevention’s efficiency can be assessed. For instance, the effect of family violence can be; stressed couples, marriage breakup, and depression in children, physical injury, emotional torture, health care expenses, and other damages to societal norms (Chrisler & Ferguson, 2006, p. 239). However, the primary prevention strategy addresses the causes of the violence mentioned above, and then solutions are offered based on the cause. The community is educated on the consequences of violence as well as the benefits of peaceful resolution of conflict. This is cheaper hence making it cost-effective (Humphreys & Campbell, 2010, p. 431).

A comprehensive health plan on the other hand utilizes all three levels of prevention. Primary prevention has already been addressed to greater length and its goal is to prevent the occurrence of the causes of a problem (Lutzker, 2006, p. 67). This is why the strategy deals with risk factors that are associated with that problem like in this case of domestic violence.

Secondary prevention

Is the second step of prevention where the risks and problems are identified and then the appropriate steps are taken to alleviate the risk and the possible problem. Whereas the strategies here appear to be more of intervention than preventative, the aim is to create opportunities where the problems can be identified before they explode or become evident and intervention introduced immediately to curb the progression of the problem (Lutzker, 2006, p. 67). Screening programs are typical examples of what secondary prevention is. When individuals are screened for domestic violence, then the care provider can provide the required support and even make referrals for the individuals who disclosed abuse so that they can reduce the possibility of more victimization and devastating health impact (Humphreys & Campbell, 2010, p. 431).

Tertiary prevention

This level of prevention occurs when the situation or the problems was adverse. The tertiary prevention is hence designed to reduce the consequences of the unpleasant event and then restore the wellness of the situation as soon as possible. Sometimes, scholars argue that this is not a prevention strategy because violence has already taken place (Lutzker, 2006, p. 67). Nevertheless, faster and coordinated response and subsequent follow-up can diminish the result of victimization and hence avert predictable, long-term outcomes and re-victimization (Humphreys & Campbell, 2010, p. 433). Tertiary prevention of family violence includes all of the services that target survivors and perpetrators following a violent confrontation. It’s crucial as a first responder for immediate medical care for physical injuries as well as long-term services including counseling and so on.


For primary prevention efforts, the factors the can be used to prevent family violence are not well researched but many studies today are working to find better ways of preventing violence by looking at the developmental pathways of violence. Additionally, governments are working to assess the efficiency of the existing violence resolution programs to enhance success cases and use them to devise new programs for primary prevention. It’s obvious dealing or addressing the risk factors of the family violence work best here.

Reference List

Chamberlain, L. (2008). A Prevention Primer for Domestic Violence: Terminology, Tools, and the Public Health Approach. A Project of the National Resource Centre on Domestic Violence/Pennsylvania Coalition against Domestic Violence. Web.

Chrisler, J.C., & Ferguson, S. (2006). Violence against Women as a Public Health Issue, Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 1087, 235-249.

Clark, M. (2008). Community Health Nursing: Advocacy for Population Health. (5th Ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.

Humphreys, J., & Campbell, J. (2010). Family Violence and Nursing Practice. New York, NY: Springer Publishing Company.

Lutzker, J. R. (2006). Preventing Violence: Research and Evidence-Based Intervention Strategies. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association

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