1821 saw the Greeks revolt against the Ottoman Empire, a significant event that started the Greek War of Independence (Hatzis, 2019, pp. 838-839). The movement, inspired by the ancient Greeks’ spirit, developed strongly over the course of the 19th century. Multiple factors, including romanticism and liberalism, along with political and intellectual leaders such as Adamantios Korais, contributed to the Greek fight for independence. During this era, Greek nationalism was primarily distinctive in its strong focus on freedom and independence. The creation of a separate political structure for Greece would provide direct representation in international affairs and independence from the Ottoman Empire. The Greeks’ unique cultural background, language, and bond to their past made them exceptional. This sense of a shared heritage provided a powerful source of inspiration for Greek nationalists. Furthermore, the Greek Orthodox Church represented a unifying factor for the Greeks, helping Greek nationalists to move beyond tribal and local rivalries. Greek Nationalism in 1821 rests on a synthesis of ancient history, republican ideas, and religious thought, reflecting the diverse historical experience of the Greek people (Hatzis, 2019, pp. 840-841). This research essay seeks to explore the development of Greek nationalism during the War of Independence and analyse its impact on the struggle for liberation from the Ottoman Empire.
Greece’s history before the independence movement is characterised by foreign invasions and occupations. The Roman, Byzantine, and Ottoman Empires ruled the country, which led to a loss of cultural and political identity. Despite this, Greek identity persisted through the Orthodox Church, language, and culture. Greeks saw themselves as the inheritors of ancient Greece, and this sentiment was reinforced by the Church, which emphasised the continuity of Greek civilisation.
The 6th of January 1833 marked the incorporation of a new Christian kingdom into the Western international system. Almost 12 years after the war began, the newly independent Greek state introduced their new leader-“Bavarian-born King Otto” (Beaton, 2020, p.55). The young king inherited the state built by the Great Powers through the Protocol of London, signed in February 1830. The poleis, as the city-states were called, multiplied during the start of the Classical era in Greece. Land and resources were continuously fought over by these fiercely independent city-states. Powerful states like Athens, Sparta, and Thebes emerged in this time frame. The city-states of Ancient Greece included Athens, Sparta and Thebes, which played prominent roles in its history, but only Thebes was destroyed by Macedonians in 335 BCE.
Athens gained power during the Classical period due to Solon’s reforms. The aristocracy’s power was diminished while common people gained more rights due to these reforms (Kitromilides, 2021). Athens experienced a democratic period until Alexander the Great’s death in 323 BCE. Athens’ most prominent cultural achievement during this time was the Acropolis, a vast temple complex devoted to the gods of Greece. Sparta’s military technology and tactics advancements placed it as the most powerful military force in Ancient Greece while located in the Peloponnese region. A small group of people controlled the state in Sparta’s version of government called oligarchy. This form of government was to later be criticised by Aristotle in his Politics.
The Classical era experienced significant progress in art and architecture. Sculpture, most notably of the Parthenon, flourished, as did theatrical works. Works of Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides were shown in theatres that were made permanent. Advancements made by painters and potters during this era led to the Renaissance and other art movements to come. The end of the Classical Greek period occurred in 323 BCE upon the demise of Alexander the Great. His successors split his empire following his death. After Alexander the Great’s death, the Greek era ended, and Rome rose to power, later taking over Greece in the late 2nd century BCE.
Through the Greek War of Independence, the Greek people were able to overthrow Ottoman rule and be independent again in 1821(Mazower, 2021). Greek rebels rose up in protest numerous times prior to the war, but each rebellion was met with suppression. 1821 was the year when a group of Greek revolutionaries led by an Orthodox priest named Theodore Kolokotronis brought an end to Ottoman control over several Greek cities. The Greeks began their fight for independence with this event. For nine years, the Greeks, Russians, British, and French Empires battled the Ottomans. The Treaty of Constantinople recognised the victorious Greeks in 1832, which led to the establishment of modern-day Greece (Just,2016, pp.72-73). The Greeks remained under foreign domination even after achieving victory until World War II.
Hobsbawm, Anderson and Gellner Theory Overview of Nationalism
The majority of theories contend that nationalism is an effect of modernity. This theory is supported by academics like Erick Hobsbawm, Benedict Anderson, and Ernest Gellner, who link contemporary circumstances to nationalism. These ideas, however, ignore history and need to elucidate how the general populace contributes to nation-building. Greece serves as a case study for Anthony Smith’s ethno-symbolic theory.
Similarly to Smith, Benedict Anderson in Imagined Communities is also interested in symbolic aspects of nationalism. He claims that nationalism, similarly to religion, is understood as a destiny rather than a choice. The factors influencing ‘imagined communities’ were print and capitalism, creating modern vernaculars. Anderson points out that European nationalism was largely language-based. For instance, philological studies developed dictionaries and grammar: Modern Greek, Romanian, Ukrainian, Finnish, and cetra. One of the main arguments in Imagined Communities is the ability of nationalism to take the role of the institutions that are in decline- for instance, religion or political influence of the enlightenment. According to him, nation-states are imagined communities that enable individuals from diverse backgrounds to create a shared identity and unified goal. Also, he investigates the function of language, media, and culture in shaping a united national identity, underscoring the importance of symbols, rituals, and monuments in sustaining that identity.
There is a wealth of academic literature on nationalism and the nation. However, engaging with the theoretical framework is vital to advance in understanding Greece nationalism. The vast nationalism theories’ concepts and idealistic principles expedite the study of historical examples. Anthony Smith argues in Ethno-symbolism and Nationalism that nationalism cannot be created and requires the pre-existing presence of “ethnic” to oppose the above-mentioned view that connects nationalism to contemporary developments (Smith, 2009, p.43-44). Nationalists employ ceremonies, public rites, and the arts to create a unified “country.” Indeed, forming a country and nationalism is ongoing (Smith, 2009, p.44-46). Smith does not deny a degree of the invention during a nation’s formation. However, unlike Hobsbawm, he argues that the invention of a nation must be based on an existing ethnicity. Ethno-symbolism considers a nation’s historical background and uses it as a basis for empirical research (Kaufman, 2011, p.208). Finally, ethno-symbolism considers nations a by-product of social integration developed by symbolic practices.
Other Scholars’ views concerning Greek and Nationalism.
The matter of considerable debate and contention amongst academics and scholars is the relationship between Greek nationalism and identity. The study of Greek nationalism has witnessed the emergence of new approaches with the changing views on identity and the nation-state. Kofos’ views on the role of nationalism within the Greek Empire have contributed a unique perspective to the scholarship (Roudometof, 1996, pp.253-255). Post-Ottoman Empire, Greece experienced dissipation and disorientation, according to Kofos’ theory of redefined identity. He regards the multiple national identities of Greece as only recent and thus ruminates on how they were nonetheless expressed through collective actions and identities, including the process of constructing nationhood. He thus stresses rather than full national integration. He prefers to focus on the potential of collective identity expressed through complex forms of interaction between communities.
Kofos suggests that a significant element of the Greek nation is the idea of communal relations and organic cultural expression, namely through shared symbolic resources such as language (Roudometof, 1996, pp.256-259). In this, Kofos views nations as transcending macro-level identities such as those assigned by priests or rulers, though he emphasises that tensions between centres of power remain nonetheless. By extension, he perceives nations as entities which can arise from smaller identity affinities and that cultural identity does not need to be fixed like those imposed through Orthodoxy or the Ottoman monarchy. This is characterised by the traditional loyalties in Greek culture that venerated historical figures worshipped in the form of icons at shrines such as on Mount Athos. This suggests that aspects of culture that discerned a greater inclusiveness of different communities could promote a sense of nationhood, although only as a secondary factor.
As such, Kofos focused largely on the factor of socio-economic change which would be brought about by increased levels of literacy and communication enabled by urbanisation. He instead suggested that the material or infrastructural bases of nations were a much more decided factor in the developing nation-hood. This specifically shifted notions of the nation away from the ideological, as had been held and emphasised by Hobsbawm, Anderson and Gellner, to that of a drive of material progress, or ‘making the nation’. Hence, Kofos maintained that “modern Greek nationalism must be understood in the context of the larger processes of making nationhood rather than in terms of establishing the existence and purity of a monolithic Greek nation.”
Ben-Ami focused on the Hellenic language’s growth and its interconnections among diverse local groups. He identified the role which Greek played during the peak of Ottoman rule, noting that it served as a unifying identity (especially between prominent Greek-speaking communities based in the urban centres). He additionally noted that the spoken and written language, which had previously served an aristocratic purpose, become an essential part of nationalist identity in its later millennia, largely owing to its resonance with ancient Greek-era mythology and literature and, as such, its role in developing nationalism was pronounced (Yanoulopoulos, 2009 pp.2-5). He also, however, notes that beyond its linguistic links, shared religion played quite a significant role in the establishment of the unification of the Greek nation. He identified that the spread of formalised education enabled by the Kodikas bibliotha (Library of Books) was a significant factor in the spread of Orthodoxy, which was itself used as a tool of cultural and social unification. Seen as an expanding organism, the nation’s components of identity expanded for a national identity larger than itself, according to Ben-Ami.
In comparison to the former theorists, the works of Kofos largely differ in the views of nationalism with regard to its role in the nation-building process. He maintains that the idea of nationhood has moved from a singular ‘organic’ construction to a much more decentralised, regional formula which is grown from within. Hobsbawm, Anderson and Gellner suggested the imposition of national identity on a populace, unlike Kofos.
Contrarily, Ben-Ami’s work echoes earlier considerations of Anderson and Gellner’s ideas concerning the role of language and mythology. Like them, he identifies the framing of Greek identity as founded upon the mythological and linguistic narrative of Greece as a way of strengthening collective national identity and fostering pride in a unified national identity.
Factors that Influenced Greek Nationalism
Greek Nationalism and Byzantine Imperial Ideology
Greek nationalism originated from the Greeks’ shared desire to revive the Byzantine Empire’s glory and restore their ancient homeland. This ethno-symbolic approach to nationalism was largely advocated by Anthony Smith (1999) and Thanos Koulos, a sociologist from Erasmus University Rotterdam. A concept referred to by Smith as the ‘motherland,’ the land from which each community considered their ancestors originated, was integral to creating a sense of national pride and identity for Greek people (Williams and Smith, 1983, pp. 502–503). This sentiment was especially influential during the Greek independence movement and helped generate the notion of a unified Greek identity (Koulos, 2021, p.488).
Greek nationalism was a response to foreign rule and was shaped by identity and politics during Medieval Greece. The idea of a “Pan-Hellenic” nation, one united in language and culture, was expressed in literature produced during this period and gradually developed over time. Within this “Pan-Hellenic” idea, Greeks laid down core shared ideologies in terms of their own identities – in terms of their language, culture, and political system. The Acropolis became a symbol of Greek unity.
The Byzantine Empire’s unique cultural blend helped unify the Greeks in art, architecture, law, and religion. The Byzantine Empire, originating in 330 CE by the Roman emperor Constantine, was recognised for its distinct blend of classical Roman, Christian, and Eastern cultures (Moles, 1969). Byzantine Greeks found cultural unity through art, architecture, law, religion, and the empire. The Byzantine Empire’s reign involved acquiring large territories in the Mediterranean, Middle East, and Eastern Europe and transforming it into a noteworthy force in that area (Adrachtas, 2001). By incorporating Eastern religious and cultural customs, the Byzantines cultivated a diverse identity. At the centre of Greek Nationalism was the idea of cultural symbolism, closely intertwined with territorial symbolism. The perception of the Greek state was divided into two cultural centres – Athens, the temporary administrative centre, and Constantinople, the epicentre of Hellenism, and the Orthodox Church. The Greek language and Orthodox Church were the focal points of difference from the Latin-based West, creating a unique identity that could be claimed by Greeks from all over the Ottoman Empire (Mavrogordatos, 2003 pp.117-120). This shared identity became the foundation of Greek nationalism, which fueled and drove the Greek independence movement. Also, this indicates how Greek nationalism was not born out of modernity but was founded on pre-existing traditions, culture, and history.
The Influence of Ancient Greek Culture and Identity
Using ancient Greek culture and identity, the revolutionaries in 1821 shaped the Greek War of Independence. The guardianship of liberty was attributed to the ancient Greeks, who were also strongly associated with the idea of freedom. The revolutionaries called upon the spirit of the ancient Greeks during their struggle against Ottoman oppression. The influence of Ancient Greek culture and identity on Greek nationalism can be seen throughout the long and tumultuous history of the country. Ancient Greek culture and identity were the basis for many aspects of Modern Greek nationalism, particularly in terms of the language, religion, shared values and customs, and the sense of a separate national identity. The ancient Greeks were one of the most influential civilisations of the ancient world, known for their philosophy, literature, art, mathematics, and science. As such, their legacy still resonates deeply among their descendants and has served to define the core values, beliefs, and sense of solidarity that form the basis of Modern Greek nationalism. Ancient Greek language, mythology and classical literature have played a huge role in the Greek national identity from a very early age. The ancient Greek language is spoken fluently by around 96% of Greeks and is the language of the Greek Orthodox Church. This has helped to unite the Greek people across the nation and become a part of their shared national identity. The Greek language was deemed crucial for modern independence and national identity during the revolution. Despite regional variations, the language as a unifying instrument was emphasised by educators and writers, underscoring its significance for modern independence. As Arvanitaki notes, “Very soon, the Greek language was seen as a powerful national symbol – a tool for conveying modern educational, political and cultural ideas”. The prominence of the language was further increased by the victory of the revolution – by 1832, the already prominent influence of the language had become embedded in the national identity, with Greek being praised as the “language of freedom”. Furthermore, Ancient Greek literature, such as Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey, is a source of national pride and has also provided the basis for some of the state’s literature and educational curriculum.
Ancient Greek religion, particularly that of the Greek Orthodox Church, has been influential and central to many aspects of Greek culture and identity. It is still an important part of the nation’s identity and is practised widely, particularly in the more rural areas. In terms of state religion, The Greek Constitution recognises the Greek Orthodox Church as the prevailing religion, with the right to believe and worship freely and without discrimination. The Greek Orthodox Church had been particularly successful in preserving the traditions of the faith – and the associated cultural and religious identity – during centuries of Ottoman rule (Chrysoloras, 2008, pp.41-45). The shared practices of the faith created a common framework on which the Greeks could build a more unified identity. As Konstantinou notes, “The Orthodox Church was integral to the rising sense of Greek nationhood, acting to bind the disparate regions of the nation together with a shared cultural heritage and spiritual rhetoric”.
Ancient Greek values, customs and identity have all had a profound effect on Athens and the nation as a whole. Greek culture generally leans towards an emphasis on tradition, particularly the family unit, and a strong sense of patriotism and honour. This has led to a very strong sense of national pride and unity, which has, in turn, impacted Greek nationalism for many years.
Moreover, the idea of democracy and individual rights, which were championed by the revolutionaries, were taken from the writings of ancient philosophers such as Aristotle and Plato (Stouraitis, 2017). These concepts were used to inspire the people and rally support for the nationalist cause. The revolutionaries also used religious rhetoric to build a sense of national unity and pride, drawing on the imagery of ancient gods and goddesses as symbols of the struggle for independence. The goddess Athena, for example, was depicted as a symbol of freedom and the protector of the Greek people, while Zeus, the king of the gods, was seen as a protector of the Greek nation. The political ideals of ancient Athens, such as democracy and freedom of speech, had a profound influence on the revolutionaries and the concept of political identity itself. Ancient Greek philosophy and science also provided much of the intellectual underpinning of the revolution – the works of classical writers such as Plato and Aristotle, in particular, provided inspiration to the revolutionaries in the form of political and ethical ideas.
In conclusion, the Greek War of Independence and the establishment of the Modern Greek nation-state involved complex elements of nationalism, such as religion, ethnic-symbolic identity, language, and the influence of ancient Greeks. This period of history has proven valuable to our understanding of Greek nationalism, and as a model for further nationalism studies, especially with regard to the various ethnicities, languages, and beliefs involved in nation-building. Greek nationalism was significantly influenced by the classical period, which provided the basis of the Greek language, culture, values, and identity. Moreover, the Greek Orthodox Church was instrumental in creating a shared religious belief, which provided an additional layer to the nation’s identity. Finally, the influence of the Byzantine Empire in terms of art and culture helped unify the Greek people in a collective sense of identity. Seen in this light, the history of Greek nationalism provides valuable insight into the complexities of nation-building and serves as a reminder of the central role of language, culture and religious values in the maintenance of a nation.
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A Comparative Analysis Of Meridel LeSueur’s “Women In The Breadlines” And Ernest Hemingway’s “Hills Like White Elephants.” Sample Essay
The world was exclusively male-centric and male-dominated for centuries, and women were subject to men’s definitions. Classical and medieval male philosophers and social theorists associated femininity with the disorder, inadequacy, savagery, unreason and chaos. In the modernist era, however, the issues around social class, gender gaps, and the struggle against alienation were largely embraced and placed central to societal conversations. Modernist voices such as Meridel LeSueur and Ernest Hemingway, among several other musicians, philosophers, and visual artists, led the communitywide response to the ongoing depression and helplessness that women across the society shared. Despite this change in societal attitudes towards women, LeSueur’s “Women in the Breadlines” and Hemingway’s “Hills Like White Elephants” protest the sustained perception of women as complements to the men in their lives than as independent spiritual entities. The two works not only protest society’s social and economic injustices against women but also illustrate women’s efforts to overcome their perceived weakness and incapability in pursuing empowerment and independence.
The Modernist woman’s economic and social struggles
Both “Women in the Breadlines” and “Hills Like White Elephants” reflect modernist exposures to situations that subject them to social and economic struggles in the wake of the societal changes associated with the period. The turn of the 20th century was characterized by industrialization and expansion in scientific innovations that opened new spaces for women to work outside their usual. Such opportunities also imply that women could employ their inherent intelligence, which led to the beginning to question and even defy the traditional spaces women occupied to complement men in their society. The mix-up in the modernist society is reflected by LeSueur, who notes that of the middle-aged women who were at the domestic employment bureau, “some have families, some have raised their families and are now alone, some have men who are out of work.” The awakening also reflects in Hemingway’s poem, where he points out the girl’s resistance to the boy’s emotional manipulation to seek abortion services. Unlike previous generations, modernist women recognize their autonomy over important decisions such as having families, pursuing personal freedoms, and making independent decisions on abortion.
Hemingway delivers the dialogue between the girl and the boy in the poem “Hills Like White Elephants” in a condensed, boiled down, and journalistic approach that enables the readers to reveal the nature of socialization that the two share. At the poem’s heart is the poet’s eagerness to reveal the bad relationship between the boy and the girl and how it disadvantages the girl while putting the boy at an advantage. The boy’s attitude towards the girl champions his and her “freedom” at the expense of honesty, commitment, and accountability. At one point in the conversation, the boy tells her, “If you don’t want to, you don’t have to. I wouldn’t have you to do if you didn’t want to.” However, he comes back to her with further manipulations when he tells her, “But I know that it is perfectly simple.” The fact that he is male and has never experienced abortion implies that he only seeks to dominate her mind and manipulate her emotionally to his advantage. Consistent with societal standards, the boy expects the girl to heed his choice of abortion.
The girl attempts to meet the boy’s intentions to control the girl’s decisions and actions with plausible resistance but fails to sustain her independence. During the girl’s willingness to keep the pregnancy frame from her desire to spend the rest of her life with the boy that he loves, the poet uses specific symbols to reveal that the relationship may ultimately fail. The alcohol, the train, and the disorganized scenery symbolize the challenges the boy and the girl face in their intimate communication and the journey ahead when they become family. The boy, incapable of overcoming the mess inherent in the relationship, resolves to manipulate her to seek abortion by telling her, “I don’t want anybody but you.” It would be easy for readers to perceive the girl as weak when she eventually acquiesces to the boy’s overbearing insistence. Still, it is important to note that the stiff reply she offers him reveals that she feels the pain of being incapable of exercising her bodily autonomy. Below Hemingway’s seemingly detached and cold tone lies symbols and wordings that expose the characters’ attitudes toward one another in their socialization.
Unlike Hemingway, LeSeur approaches women’s pursuit of social and cultural liberties from a systematic and reactional worldview. Yet, in so doing, LeSeur employs highly descriptive and figurative language to paint a picture of the changes in behaviour that women registered in the wake of the great depression. One way the author describes the scenes of the women in this era is that women were forced into a situation that was like “being a slave without the security of a slave.” Through the author’s descriptive language, readers can acknowledge how women were not only left to take of their children and families. At the same time, some were rendered second choice to males to access employment. Women’s experience during the great depression reflects the diversity of women’s approaches. For instance, LeSeur outlines that while some became weak and depressed, others, like Mrs. Gray, became enraged about their existence and those of their families. That women were pushed to the position of using their sexual appeals to make ends meet makes readers understand the magnitude of systematic alienation that women faced during the great depression.
In the thick of the women’s economic situation, LeSeur brings to the readers’ attention the women’s resolutions regarding their choices to have families, bear children, and pursue economic progress as men do. While their resolve might be interpreted to imply women’s deliberate destruction of society’s social structure, it is worthy to note that it emerges from their systematic humiliation in society. Since men such as Mrs. Gray had ceased to be dependable caretakers of their families and their children died from starvation and diseases, women chose to rise above their societally expected roles of procreation. The author quotes Mrs. Grey, saying, “The young ones know though. I don’t want to marry. I don’t want any children” before all other women decide that they would commit to no man in marriage and they would have no children. Instead, they would “arm themselves alone, keep up alone,” and have all the fun they wish to experience. In these short, clearly drawn sentences, LeSeur uses descriptive language to illustrate women’s walk toward their freedoms. Women’s destitute state motivates them to pursue freedom from systematic oppression.
The two modernist works also reflect Women’s desperate struggles for meaningful empowerment and independence and society’s deliberate actions to take away the gains they made toward empowerment. “Hills Like White Elephants” offers an inside perspective into men’s unwillingness to empower or handle empowered women. Although not entirely presented from an economic point of view, this poem implies that men’s resistance to women’s empowerment is not a new phenomenon. Jig seems to understand that no matter the end decision in the abortion conversation, her life will change forever. She loses her delusional innocence and love that made her loveable and assumes an attitude that implies her efforts to become independent and empowered to make informed decisions about herself. She says, “It’s ours,” when the boy brings about the persuasive sentiment, “No, it isn’t. And once they take it away, you never get it back.” While her protestation may be taken to mean the pregnancy, Jig appears to refer to her innocence and love towards the boy. She appears to have made the informed decision to pursue her independence and let his objectification of him remain in the past.
Consistent with Hemingway, LeSueur’s short story focuses on women’s quietness, unobtrusiveness, and isolation in the wake of challenges and injustices. LeSueur attempts to paint a picture of the crashed economic dreams of American women in a society that had begun to thrive, and women’s economic ambitions began to thrive. She writes that women sat in the “women’s section” of the “city free employment bureau” and attempted to wait for unopen jobs. LeSueur particularly focuses on the humiliations women at the employment bureau face upon realizing there would be no job opportunities. The short story engages animal imagery to describe the “animal terror” displayed by the women when all the work is given away to the men at their expense. She writes that the women sat in the room “like cattle.” The experiences of poverty endured by other women in the short story only add to the image of the economic difficulty that the women faced. It is the will of some of the women that display their determination to gain financial independence, albeit against systematic repressions.
LeSueur also demonstrates that poverty and lack of income opportunities make it hard for women to remain humans. Much of the short story concerns women’s predicament and reactions to the state of poverty systematically set against them. Through the experience of multiple young and older women that LeSueur offers as examples, readers can understand the economic predicament surrounding modernism. For instance, she states that while all women were trying to get employment opportunities, some jobs were preserved “for the attractive and the adroit.” Other girls and women such as Bernice and Mrs. Gray, to whom she refers as “the others, the real peasants,” finding meaningful work proved unrealistic due to their appearances or ages. For instance, Bernice, a Polish woman of thirty-five, has been absent from any steady income-generating activities for more than a year. There is also the experience of Mrs. Gray, who loses three children to hunger and Ellen, who attempts to show her legs to a café attendant to be given free food. The image these examples create in the readers’ minds reflects the depth of modernist women’s economic struggles.
Modernist works like LeSueur’s short story “Women in the Breadlines” and Hemingway’s poem “Hills Like White Elephants” reflect an era when girls and women were gravely affected by society’s assumptions regarding their position. Hemingway uses metaphors and imagery to emphasize the societal view of women as second-class humans subject to men’s direction on issues such as reproduction rights that are more important to them. On the other hand, LeSueur combines descriptive language with imagery to paint a picture of society’s perception as a non-human object that does not deserve opportunities for economic empowerment. The hopelessness these works reveal about modernist women makes them embarrassed and incapable of properly raising families both in marriage and as single parents. In the end, both works illustrate situations where injustices imposed upon the women in society ruin the family as society’s basic unit and change women’s attitude towards undertaking important roles like reproduction. In a world where women are still treated as inferior to men and unfair expectations imposed on them, these two works should portray the ideal society that would rise without change.
Levine, Robert S., editor. The Norton Anthology of American Literature. Volume A and B,9th ed., W. W. Norton & Company, 2016. https://wwnorton.com/books/9780393886139#!
Affordable Care Act – A Cost Control Policy Essay Example
Cost in most healthcare systems has been a problem, especially for patients. Managing costs at all levels of a healthcare organization affects the bottom line, which directly affects all aspects of the organization. Therefore, organizational policies play a significant role in helping healthcare providers and patients understand the part of operations in a healthcare setting, ensuring high quality of care across all departments. Affordable Care Act is a crucial policy in a healthcare organization that provides controlled costs, hence maintaining the quality of care across the healthcare system (Eguia et al., 2018). The paper explores the details of the Affordable Care Act policy in a healthcare organization, explaining how the policy impacts the fiscal aspects of the organization, the unintended consequences of the policy, and the impacts of the policy on the quality of patient care.
The healthcare system across the United States comprises reimbursement systems comprising a mixture of public and private third-party coverage. In that regard, employers, individual patients, and the government contribute to healthcare costs, where individuals pay premiums to private insurance companies to cover their medical costs. However, our policy limits private insurance reimbursement to Medicare, which would cut healthcare costs significantly. It is revealed that healthcare spending in the organization increases due to higher prices paid by private health insurers; thus, the policy would limit their reimbursement and ensure the average cost of health costs (Hu et al., 2018). The policy was put in place in 2016 and was adopted system-wide because it involves all members of the healthcare system. The policy addresses essential aspects of cost control aimed at protecting and promoting the health of individuals and the community. Through the policy, government officials can accomplish their objective in the healthcare system in a way that creates respect for human rights, such as rights to privacy, self-determination, and non-discrimination. There are potential impacts of not following the policy at the organizational level, including fines and penalties that may also open the organization to lawsuits. Besides, individuals may suffer fines if non-compliant and increase their costs to settle the suits.
The police impact on fiscal aspects of the organization because it allows employees and patients to choose the health insurance they want. In that regard, the costs and expenditures in the organization are reduced, as there are reduced provider payments, reduced coverage, and higher copayments. The fiscal budget of the organization has to change amid the implementation of the policy to accommodate the new changes in payments and coverage. Besides, the policy limits payment mechanisms with varying effectiveness, thus impacting fiscal aspects. According to Hu et al. (2018), the policy acts as a cost control because prices paid by private insurance are high, thus limiting their reimbursement controls the cost of healthcare provision. Besides, the policy acts as a cost control because it lowers costs by reducing the resources required for care since private insurers do not provide an expensive care plan for patients. Through limits of reimbursement in the healthcare system, our organization applies price setting, fee schedules, reference pricing, and price negotiations, which control the costs of care in the organization.
According to Duggan et al. (2019), the policy significantly impacts patients’ quality of care, aiming to improve healthcare costs and high-quality care. Implementing the policy has led to reforms that promote the coordination of care, encouraging the healthcare organization’s success. Besides, the policy expresses gratitude toward patient care, as it reduces the costs of medical care for low-income earners. According to the policy, all residents within the community are guaranteed adequate, affordable, and accessible care in the organization. It also allows the community health system to emphasize social determinants of health that will improve the overall quality of care. In addition, the policy improves efficiency because it helps to improve the quality and efficacy of care for all patients in the organization, contributing to better health outcomes while reducing costs (Chen & Grabowski, 2019). When the organization implemented the policy, patients expanded their Medicaid eligibility. They broadened the medical drug rebate program, as the policy gave more low-income earners access to healthcare and medical care.
The goal of the policy is to improve the quality of care and reduce the cost of healthcare in the organization. According to Caswell & Waidmann (2019), the police provide that healthcare spending be reduced and lower premiums paid by individuals for medical coverage. Moreover, the policy led to an annual growth rate in organizational expenditure from 6.4 percent to 5.8 percent. However, the policy led to unintended consequences such as a narrow network of healthcare providers, where healthcare facilities and specialists deemed higher costs are excluded from several insurance plans under the policy (Caswell & Waidmann, 2019). Similarly, health insurance deductibles and out-of-pocket costs have increased under the policy, leaving employees to pick up more and more of their health coverage. Besides, the policy has secondary impacts on the organization, as it increases the number of people attending the healthcare organization, thus demanding an increased number of healthcare providers. Although the policy has cut costs in healthcare provision, some alternatives exist, such as private health insurance, faith-based plans, short-term medical, and zero deductible plans. However, the policy is the best way to address the issue of healthcare costs in the organization.
Caswell, K. J., & Waidmann, T. A. (2019). The affordable care acts Medicaid expansions and personal finance. Medical Care Research and Review, 76(5), 538-571.
Chen, M., & Grabowski, D. C. (2019). Hospital readmissions reduction program: intended and unintended effects. Medical Care Research and Review, 76(5), 643-660.
Duggan, M., Goda, G. S., & Jackson, E. (2019). The effects of the Affordable Care Act on health insurance coverage and labor market outcomes. National Tax Journal, 72(2), 261-322.
Eguia, E., Cobb, A. N., Kothari, A. N., Molefe, A., Afshar, M., Aranha, G. V., & Kuo, P. C. (2018). Impact of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) Medicaid expansion on cancer admissions and surgeries. Annals of Surgery, 268(4), 584.
Hu, L., Kaestner, R., Mazumder, B., Miller, S., & Wong, A. (2018). The effect of the affordable care act Medicaid expansions on financial well-being. Journal of public economics, 163, 99-112.